The pro-reform movement led by Avenir de la Francaise:a point of leverage in the French political process?

The study examines factors influencing language planning decisions in contemporary France. It focuses upon the period 1992-1994, which witnessed the introduction of two major language policy measures, the first an amendment to the French Constitution, in 1992, proclaiming the language of the Republic as French, the second, in 1994, legislation to extend the ambit of the loi Bas-Lauriol, governing the use of the French language in France. The thesis posits a significant role for the pro-reform movement led by the French language association Avenir de la Langue Francaise (ALF) in the introduction and formulation of the policy measures concerned. The movement is depicted as continuing the traditional pattern of intellectual involvement in language planning, whilst also marking the beginning of a highly proactive, and increasingly political approach. Detailed examination of the movement's activities reveals that contextual factors and strategic strength combined to facilitate access to the levers of power, and enabled those involved to exert an impact on policy initiation, formulation, and ultimately implementation. However, ALF's decision to pursue the legislative route led to the expansion of the network of actors involved in language policymaking, and the development of counter-pressure from sectoral groups. It is suggested that this more interventionist approach destabilised the traditionally consensual language policy community, and called into question the quasi-monopoly of the intelligentsia in respect of language policymaking. It raised broader questions relating to freedom of expression and the permissible limits of language regulation in a democracy such as France. It also exposed ongoing ambiguities and inconsistencies in the interpretation of the tenets of language planning.

Behind the scenes:a week in the life of a Senior Pro-Vice Chancellor

Helen Higson graduated from Cambridge University in 1982 and followed this up with an MSc with the Open University and a PhD at Birkbeck College London. She started working in HE at Southampton University and has spent the last 25 years at Aston University. Her roles there have been various, starting as PA to the Pro-Vice-Chancellor External Relations and spending 20 years with Aston Business School. Helen was awarded a Personal Chair in Higher Education Learning and Management in 2008 and is currently Senior Pro-Vice-Chancellor, with responsibility for International Relations, Employability, Schools Liaison, Registry and Planning. Helen was awarded an AUA Fellowship in 2010 and an OBE in the 2011 New Year Honours list.

Cracking capitalist realism: the new student movement and its post-capitalist politics

There is much talk of =the crisis‘ in higher education, often expressed in fatalistic narratives about the (im)possibility of critical resistance or alternatives to the deepening domination of neoliberal rationality and capitalist power throughout social life. But how precisely are we to make sense of this situation? In what ways is it experienced? And what knowledges and practices may help us to respond? These questions form the basis for a series of explorations of the history and character of this crisis, the particular historical conjuncture that we occupy today, and the different types of theoretical analysis and political response it seems to be engendering. Our talk will explore the tensions between readings of the situation as a paralyzing experience of domination, loss and impossibility, on the one hand, and radical transformation and the opening of future possibilities, on the other. We will finally consider what implications new forms of political theory being created in the new student movements have for reconceptualising praxis in higher education today, and perhaps for a wider imagination of post-capitalist politics.

The ‘first three years’ movement and the infant brain:a review of critiques

This article reviews a particular aspect of the critique of the increasing focus on the brain and neuroscience; what has been termed by some, 'neuromania'. It engages with the growing literature produced in response to the 'first three years' movement: an alliance of child welfare advocates and politicians that draws on the authority of neuroscience to argue that social problems such as inequality, poverty, educational underachievement, violence and mental illness are best addressed through 'early intervention' programmes to protect or enhance emotional and cognitive aspects of children's brain development. The movement began in the United States in the early 1990s and has become increasingly vocal and influential since then, achieving international legitimacy in the United States, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, the UK and elsewhere. The movement, and the brain-based culture of expert-led parent training that has grown with it, has been criticised for claiming scientific authority whilst taking a cavalier approach to scientific method and evidence; for being overly deterministic about the early years of life; for focusing attention on individual parental failings rather than societal or structural problems, for adding to the expanding anxieties of parents and strengthening the intensification of parenting and, ultimately, for redefining the parent-child relationship in biologised, instrumental and dehumanised terms. © 2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

Eye movement analysis in congenital nystagmus:concise parameters estimation

Along with other diseases that can affect binocular vision, reducing the visual quality of a subject, Congenital Nystagmus (CN) is of peculiar interest. CN is an ocular-motor disorder characterized by involuntary, conjugated ocular oscillations and, while identified more than forty years ago, its pathogenesis is still under investigation. This kind of nystagmus is termed congenital (or infantile) since it could be present at birth or it can arise in the first months of life. The majority of CN patients show a considerable decrease of their visual acuity: image fixation on the retina is disturbed by nystagmus continuous oscillations, mainly horizontal. However, the image of a given target can still be stable during short periods in which eye velocity slows down while the target image is placed onto the fovea (called foveation intervals). To quantify the extent of nystagmus, eye movement recordings are routinely employed, allowing physicians to extract and analyze nystagmus main features such as waveform shape, amplitude and frequency. Use of eye movement recording, opportunely processed, allows computing "estimated visual acuity" predictors, which are analytical functions that estimate expected visual acuity using signal features such as foveation time and foveation position variability. Hence, it is fundamental to develop robust and accurate methods to measure both those parameters in order to obtain reliable values from the predictors. In this chapter the current methods to record eye movements in subjects with congenital nystagmus will be discussed and the present techniques to accurately compute foveation time and eye position will be presented. This study aims to disclose new methodologies in congenital nystagmus eye movements analysis, in order to identify nystagmus cycles and to evaluate foveation time, reducing the influence of repositioning saccades and data noise on the critical parameters of the estimation functions. Use of those functions extends the information acquired with typical visual acuity measurement (e.g., Landolt C test) and could be a support for treatment planning or therapy monitoring. © 2010 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved.

Characterisation of baseline oscillation in congenital nystagmus eye movement recordings

Congenital nystagmus is an ocular-motor disorder that develops in the first few months of life; its pathogenesis is still unknown. Patients affected by congenital nystagmus show continuous, involuntary, rhythmical oscillations of the eyes. Monitoring eye movements, nystagmus main features such as shape, amplitude and frequency, can be extracted and analysed. Previous studies highlighted, in some cases, a much slower and smaller oscillation, which appears added up to the ordinary nystagmus waveform. This sort of baseline oscillation, or slow nystagmus, hinder precise cycle-to-cycle image placement onto the fovea. Such variability of the position may reduce patient visual acuity. This study aims to analyse more extensively eye movements recording including the baseline oscillation and investigate possible relationships between these slow oscillations and nystagmus. Almost 100 eye movement recordings (either infrared-oculographic or electrooculographic), relative to different gaze positions, belonging to 32 congenital nystagmus patients were analysed. The baseline oscillation was assumed sinusoidal; its amplitude and frequency were computed and compared with those of the nystagmus by means of a linear regression analysis. The results showed that baseline oscillations were characterised by an average frequency of 0.36 Hz (SD 0.11 Hz) and an average amplitude of 2.1° (SD 1.6°). It also resulted in a considerable correlation (R2 scored 0.78) between nystagmus amplitude and baseline oscillation amplitude; the latter, on average, resulted to be about one-half of the correspondent nystagmus amplitude. © 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

[Review of] Ivo Mijnssen, The Quest for an Ideal Youth in Putin’s Russia I. Back to Our Future! History, Modernity and Patriotism According to Nashi, 2005–2012. Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, Stuttgart: Ibidem Verlag, 2012, 202pp., e 34.90 p/b

THE YOUTH MOVEMENT NASHI (OURS) WAS FOUNDED IN THE SPRING of 2005 against the backdrop of Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’. Its aim was to stabilise Russia’s political system and take back the streets from opposition demonstrators. Personally loyal to Putin and taking its ideological orientation from Surkov’s concept of ‘sovereign democracy’, Nashi has sought to turn the tide on ‘defeatism’ and develop Russian youth into a patriotic new elite that ‘believes in the future of Russia’ (p. 15). Combining a wealth of empirical detail and the application of insights from discourse theory, Ivo Mijnssen analyses the organisation’s development between 2005 and 2012. His analysis focuses on three key moments—the organisation’s foundation, the apogee of its mobilisation around the Bronze Soldier dispute with Estonia, and the 2010 Seliger youth camp—to help understand Nashi’s organisation, purpose and ideational outlook as well as the limitations and challenges it faces. As such,the book is insightful both for those with an interest in post-Soviet Russian youth culture, and for scholars seeking a rounded understanding of the Kremlin’s initiatives to return a sense of identity and purpose to Russian national life.The first chapter, ‘Background and Context’, outlines the conceptual toolkit provided by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to help make sense of developments on the terrain of identity politics. In their terms, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has experienced acute dislocation of its identity. With the tangible loss of great power status, Russian realities have become unfixed from a discourse enabling national life to be constructed, albeit inherently contingently, as meaningful. The lack of a Gramscian hegemonic discourse to provide a unifying national idea was securitised as an existential threat demanding special measures. Accordingly, the identification of those who are ‘notUs’ has been a recurrent theme of Nashi’s discourse and activity. With the victory in World War II held up as a foundational moment, a constitutive other is found in the notion of ‘unusual fascists’. This notion includes not just neo-Nazis, but reflects a chain of equivalence that expands to include a range of perceived enemies of Putin’s consolidation project such as oligarchs and pro-Western liberals.The empirical background is provided by the second chapter, ‘Russia’s Youth, the Orange Revolution, and Nashi’, which traces the emergence of Nashi amid the climate of political instability of 2004 and 2005. A particularly note-worthy aspect of Mijnssen’s work is the inclusion of citations from his interviews with Nashicommissars; the youth movement’s cadres. Although relatively few in number, such insider conversations provide insight into the ethos of Nashi’s organisation and the outlook of those who have pledged their involvement. Besides the discussion of Nashi’s manifesto, the reader thus gains insight into the motivations of some participants and behind-the-scenes details of Nashi’s activities in response to the perceived threat of anti-government protests. The third chapter, ‘Nashi’s Bronze Soldier’, charts Nashi’s role in elevating the removal of a World War II monument from downtown Tallinn into an international dispute over the interpretation of history. The events subsequent to this securitisation of memory are charted in detail, concluding that Nashi’s activities were ultimately unsuccessful as their demands received little official support.The fourth chapter, ‘Seliger: The Foundry of Modernisation’, presents a distinctive feature of Mijnssen’s study, namely his ethnographic account as a participant observer in the Youth International Forum at Seliger. In the early years of the camp (2005–2007), Russian participants received extensive training, including master classes in ‘methods of forestalling mass unrest’ (p. 131), and the camp served to foster a sense of group identity and purpose among activists. After 2009 the event was no longer officially run as a Nashi camp, and its role became that of a forum for the exchange of ideas about innovation, although camp spirit remained a central feature. In 2010 the camp welcomed international attendees for the first time. As one of about 700 international participants in that year the author provides a fascinating account based on fieldwork diaries.Despite the polemical nature of the topic, Mijnssen’s analysis remains even-handed, exemplified in his balanced assessment of the Seliger experience. While he details the frustrations and disappointments of the international participants with regard to the unaccustomed strict camp discipline, organisational and communication failures, and the controlled format of many discussions,he does not neglect to note the camp’s successes in generating a gratifying collective dynamic between the participants, even among the international attendees who spent only a week there.In addition to the useful bibliography, the book is back-ended by two appendices, which provide the reader with important Russian-language primary source materials. The first is Nashi’s ‘Unusual Fascism’ (Neobyknovennyi fashizm) brochure, and the second is the booklet entitled ‘Some Uncomfortable Questions to the Russian Authorities’ (Neskol’ko neudobnykh voprosov rossiiskoivlasti) which was provided to the Seliger 2010 instructors to guide them in responding to probing questions from foreign participants. Given that these are not readily publicly available even now, they constitute a useful resource from the historical perspective.