7 resultados para post-biosynthetic events

em Aston University Research Archive


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Provision of information and behavioural instruction has been demonstrated to improve recovery after surgery. However, patients draw on a range of information sources and it is important to establish which sources patients use and how this influences perceptions and behaviour as they progress along the surgical pathway. In this qualitative, exploratory and longitudinal study, the use of information and instruction were explored from the perspective of people undergoing inguinal hernia repair surgery. Seven participants undergoing inguinal hernia repair surgery were interviewed using semi-structured interviews 2 weeks before surgery and 2 weeks and 4 months post-surgery. Nineteen interviews were conducted in total. Topic guides included sources of knowledge, reasons for help-seeking and opting for surgery and factors influencing return to activity. Data were analysed thematically according to Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. Participants sought information from a range of sources, focusing on informal information sources before surgery and using information and instruction from health-care professionals post-surgery. This information influenced behaviours including deciding to undergo surgery, use of pain medication and returning to usual activity. Anxiety and help-seeking resulted when unexpected post-surgical events occurred such as extensive bruising. Findings were consistent with psychological and sociological theories. Overall, participants were positive about the information and instruction they received but expressed a desire for more timely information on post-operative adverse events.

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The article seeks to examine the effect of a severance of a joint beneficial title following the House of Lords' ruling in Stack v Dowden [2007] 2 AC 432. If, under Stack, the parties' beneficial interests fall to be treated as identical to their legal interests (in effect, giving rise to a joint tenancy both at law and in equity), how does the mechanism of severance of a joint beneficial tenancy actually operate so as to give rise to separate and unequal shares where the parties' common intention has changed by virtue of post-acquisition events? The question is examined by reference to an ambulatory and new constructive trust, as well as where the parties have entered into an express declaration of trust of their beneficial interests.

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Since independence in 1991, issues of nation and identity have become highly debated topics in Ukraine. This monograph explores not only how national identity is being (re)constructed by the Ukrainian state, but also the processes by which it is negotiated through society. The central argument of this work is that too much attention, concerning identity in Ukraine, has focused on markers of ethnicity and language. Instead, the author advocates a regional approach, engaging with the issue of how Ukraine's regional differences affect nation-building processes. Following the tumultuous events of the 'Orange Revolution', the view of Ukraine as a country inherently 'divided' between 'East' and 'West' has (re)emerged to become a popular explanation for political events. The study outlines the necessity for academics, policymakers and indeed politicians to veer away from this simplistic 'West versus East' divide. The book advocates an analysis of Ukraine's unique brand of regionalism not in terms of divisions, but in terms of regional differences and diversity. The author deconstructs the concept of 'Eastern Ukraine' by focusing on three Ukrainian localities, all adjacent to the Ukrainian-Russian border. The study examines how individuals provide 'their' own understanding of the place of their region within the wider processes of nation building across Ukraine. In doing so, the book develops a 'regional' approach to the study of identity politics in Ukraine.

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This book challenges the accepted notion that the transition from the command economy to market based systems is complete across the post-Soviet space. While it is noted that different political economies have developed in such states, such as Russia’s ‘managed democracy’, events such as Ukraine gaining ‘market economy status’ by the European Union and acceding to the World Trade Organisation in 2008 are taken as evidence that the reform period is over. Such thinking is based on numerous assumptions; specifically that economic transition has defined start and end points, that the formal economy now has primacy over other forms of economic practices and that national economic growth leads to the ‘trickle down’ of wealth to those marginalised by the transition process. Based on extensive ethnographic and quantitative research, conducted in Ukraine and Russia between 2004 - 2007, this book questions these assumptions by stating that the economies that operate across post-Soviet spaces are far from the textbook idea of a market economy. Through this the whole notion of ‘transition’ is problematised and the importance of informal economies to everyday life is demonstrated. Using case studies of various sectors, such as entrepreneurial behaviour and the higher education system, it is also shown how corruption has invaded almost all sectors of the post-Soviet every day.

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In the years following the fall of Slobodan Milo evic, Serbian social, cultural and political responses to the wars of the 1990s have fallen under intense international scrutiny. But is this scrutiny justfied, and how can these responses be better understood? Jelena Obradovic engages with ideas about post-conflict societies, memory, cultural trauma, and national myths of victimhood and justified war to shed light upon Serbian denial and justification of war crimes - for example, Serbia's reluctant cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Rather than treating denial as a failure to come to terms with the past or as resurgent nationalism, Obradovic argues that the justification of atrocities are often the result of a societal need to understand and incorporate violent events within culturally acceptable boundaries.

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Background Monocytes are implicated in the initiation and progression of the atherosclerotic plaque contributing to its instability and rupture. Although peripheral monocytosis has been related to poor clinical outcome post ST elevation myocardial infarction (STEMI), only scarce information is available of mechanisms of this association. Tumour necrosis factor alpha (TNFα) is a key cytokine in the acute phase inflammatory response, and it is predominantly produced by inflammatory macrophages. Little is known about TNFα association with circulating monocyte subpopulations post STEMI. Method A total of 142 STEMI patients (mean age 62±13 years; 72% male) treated with percutaneous revascularization were recruited with blood samples obtained within first 24 hours from the onset and on day 10-14. Peripheral blood monocyte subpopulations were enumerated and characterized using flow cytometry after staining for CD14, CD16 and CCR2 and were defined as: CD14++CD16-CCR2+ (Mon1), CD14++CD16+CCR+ (Mon2) and CD14+CD16++CCR2- (Mon3) cells. Plasma levels of TNFα were measured by enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA, Peprotec system, UK). Major adverse cardiac events (MACE), defined as recurrent STEMI, new diagnosis of heart failure and death were recorded at follow up, mean of 164±134 days. Results TNFα levels were significantly higher 24 hours post STEMI, compared to day 14 (paired t-test, p <0.001) with day 1 levels weakly correlated with total monocyte count as well as Mon1 (Spearman’s correlation, r=0.19, p=0.02 and r=0.22, p=0.01, respectively). There was no correlation between TNFα and Mon2 or Mon3 subpopulations. TNFα levels were significantly higher in patients with a recorded MACE (n=28, Mann-Whitney test, p<0.001) (figure 1).⇓

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THE YOUTH MOVEMENT NASHI (OURS) WAS FOUNDED IN THE SPRING of 2005 against the backdrop of Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’. Its aim was to stabilise Russia’s political system and take back the streets from opposition demonstrators. Personally loyal to Putin and taking its ideological orientation from Surkov’s concept of ‘sovereign democracy’, Nashi has sought to turn the tide on ‘defeatism’ and develop Russian youth into a patriotic new elite that ‘believes in the future of Russia’ (p. 15). Combining a wealth of empirical detail and the application of insights from discourse theory, Ivo Mijnssen analyses the organisation’s development between 2005 and 2012. His analysis focuses on three key moments—the organisation’s foundation, the apogee of its mobilisation around the Bronze Soldier dispute with Estonia, and the 2010 Seliger youth camp—to help understand Nashi’s organisation, purpose and ideational outlook as well as the limitations and challenges it faces. As such,the book is insightful both for those with an interest in post-Soviet Russian youth culture, and for scholars seeking a rounded understanding of the Kremlin’s initiatives to return a sense of identity and purpose to Russian national life.The first chapter, ‘Background and Context’, outlines the conceptual toolkit provided by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to help make sense of developments on the terrain of identity politics. In their terms, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has experienced acute dislocation of its identity. With the tangible loss of great power status, Russian realities have become unfixed from a discourse enabling national life to be constructed, albeit inherently contingently, as meaningful. The lack of a Gramscian hegemonic discourse to provide a unifying national idea was securitised as an existential threat demanding special measures. Accordingly, the identification of those who are ‘notUs’ has been a recurrent theme of Nashi’s discourse and activity. With the victory in World War II held up as a foundational moment, a constitutive other is found in the notion of ‘unusual fascists’. This notion includes not just neo-Nazis, but reflects a chain of equivalence that expands to include a range of perceived enemies of Putin’s consolidation project such as oligarchs and pro-Western liberals.The empirical background is provided by the second chapter, ‘Russia’s Youth, the Orange Revolution, and Nashi’, which traces the emergence of Nashi amid the climate of political instability of 2004 and 2005. A particularly note-worthy aspect of Mijnssen’s work is the inclusion of citations from his interviews with Nashicommissars; the youth movement’s cadres. Although relatively few in number, such insider conversations provide insight into the ethos of Nashi’s organisation and the outlook of those who have pledged their involvement. Besides the discussion of Nashi’s manifesto, the reader thus gains insight into the motivations of some participants and behind-the-scenes details of Nashi’s activities in response to the perceived threat of anti-government protests. The third chapter, ‘Nashi’s Bronze Soldier’, charts Nashi’s role in elevating the removal of a World War II monument from downtown Tallinn into an international dispute over the interpretation of history. The events subsequent to this securitisation of memory are charted in detail, concluding that Nashi’s activities were ultimately unsuccessful as their demands received little official support.The fourth chapter, ‘Seliger: The Foundry of Modernisation’, presents a distinctive feature of Mijnssen’s study, namely his ethnographic account as a participant observer in the Youth International Forum at Seliger. In the early years of the camp (2005–2007), Russian participants received extensive training, including master classes in ‘methods of forestalling mass unrest’ (p. 131), and the camp served to foster a sense of group identity and purpose among activists. After 2009 the event was no longer officially run as a Nashi camp, and its role became that of a forum for the exchange of ideas about innovation, although camp spirit remained a central feature. In 2010 the camp welcomed international attendees for the first time. As one of about 700 international participants in that year the author provides a fascinating account based on fieldwork diaries.Despite the polemical nature of the topic, Mijnssen’s analysis remains even-handed, exemplified in his balanced assessment of the Seliger experience. While he details the frustrations and disappointments of the international participants with regard to the unaccustomed strict camp discipline, organisational and communication failures, and the controlled format of many discussions,he does not neglect to note the camp’s successes in generating a gratifying collective dynamic between the participants, even among the international attendees who spent only a week there.In addition to the useful bibliography, the book is back-ended by two appendices, which provide the reader with important Russian-language primary source materials. The first is Nashi’s ‘Unusual Fascism’ (Neobyknovennyi fashizm) brochure, and the second is the booklet entitled ‘Some Uncomfortable Questions to the Russian Authorities’ (Neskol’ko neudobnykh voprosov rossiiskoivlasti) which was provided to the Seliger 2010 instructors to guide them in responding to probing questions from foreign participants. Given that these are not readily publicly available even now, they constitute a useful resource from the historical perspective.