14 resultados para post school transition

em Aston University Research Archive


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Using panel data for twenty-seven post-communist economies between 1987-2003, we examine the nexus of relationships between inequality, fiscal capacity (defined as the ability to raise taxes efficiently) and the political regime. Investigating the impact of political reform we find that full political freedom is associated with lower levels of income inequality. Under more oligarchic (authoritarian) regimes, the level of inequality is conditioned by the state’s fiscal capacity. Specifically, oligarchic regimes with more developed fiscal systems are able to defend the prevailing vested interests at a lower cost in terms of social injustice. This empirical finding is consistent with the model developed by Acemoglu (2006). We also find that transition countries undertaking early macroeconomic stabilisation now enjoy lower levels of inequality; we confirm that education fosters equality and the suggestion of Commander et al (1999) that larger countries are prone to higher levels of inequality.

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Using data for the period 1989 – 2002, we examine the determinants of income inequality in post-communist economies. We find a strong positive association between equality and tax collection but note that this relationship is significantly stronger under authoritarian regimes than under democracies. We also discover that countries introducing sustainable democratic institutions early are characterised by lower inequality. We also confirm that education fosters equality and find that larger countries are prone to higher levels of inequality.

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In this paper we present a simple three-sector model explaining the structural change in employment, which is a modified version of Rowthorn-Wells (1987). We supplement the theoretical analysis with simple econometric tests, which illustrate how the modified Rowthorn-Wells model can be used to (i) motivate empirical estimates of the link between the level of development and structures of employment, (ii) illustrate structural distortions under the command economies, and the structural adjustment that happened during the post-Communist transition. We demonstrate that in the case of these economies, the transition process leads to an adjustment to the employment structures predicted by the model.

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Theoretical and empirical studies show that deindustrialisation, broadly observed in developed countries, is an inherent part of the economic development pattern. However, post-communist countries, while being only middle-income economies, have also experienced deindustrialisation. Building on the model developed by Rowthorn and Wells (1987) we explain this phenomenon and show that there is a strong negative relationship between the magnitude of deindustrialisation and the efficiency and consistency of market reforms. We also demonstrate that reforms of the agricultural sector play a significant role in placing a transition country on a development path that guarantees convergence to EU employment structures.

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The aim of this paper is to model the evolution of employment structure in post-communist economies in the broader context of deindustrialisation. The paper builds on the model of structural change developed by Rowthorn and Wells (1987). We show that the starting point of high industry sector share in total employment and its direct fall when productivity of sectors changes in favour of services can be explained in terms of this framework. Moreover, the model can also describe the phenomenon of a further expansion of the agriculture, observed in countries classified as "less consistent" in the reforms implementation. Hence, we distinguish two development paths, the efficient one, called "horizontal", and the inefficient one called "vertical". We illustrate it with empirical data, using alternative measures of structural change and patterns of structural evolutions during transition. Finally, we discuss the link between the EBRD indicators of reforms and structural change. We show that the "quality" of reforms, not the initial GDP level determines a country's development path.

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Drawing on the existing body of literature that deals with national preference formation and building on the role played by vulnerability and deficits in shaping policy choices at the European level, this article provides a synthetic framework to explain the stances of the Older Member States (OMS) and New Member States (NMS). We subsequently apply the model to NMS, focusing largely, although not exclusively, on Poland. We argue that although many of the policy preferences can be explained by the framework, the size of states, especially with regard to ambition and capacity, and the nature of the country's post-communist transition appear significant for the NMS and need to be incorporated into future theory-building. We conclude by highlighting areas in need of further empirical research. © 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

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This book challenges the accepted notion that the transition from the command economy to market based systems is complete across the post-Soviet space. While it is noted that different political economies have developed in such states, such as Russia’s ‘managed democracy’, events such as Ukraine gaining ‘market economy status’ by the European Union and acceding to the World Trade Organisation in 2008 are taken as evidence that the reform period is over. Such thinking is based on numerous assumptions; specifically that economic transition has defined start and end points, that the formal economy now has primacy over other forms of economic practices and that national economic growth leads to the ‘trickle down’ of wealth to those marginalised by the transition process. Based on extensive ethnographic and quantitative research, conducted in Ukraine and Russia between 2004 - 2007, this book questions these assumptions by stating that the economies that operate across post-Soviet spaces are far from the textbook idea of a market economy. Through this the whole notion of ‘transition’ is problematised and the importance of informal economies to everyday life is demonstrated. Using case studies of various sectors, such as entrepreneurial behaviour and the higher education system, it is also shown how corruption has invaded almost all sectors of the post-Soviet every day.

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There is a growing body of literature which marks out a feminist ethics of care and it is within this framework we understand transitions from primary to secondary school education can be challenging and care-less, especially for disabled children. By exploring the narratives of parents and professionals, we investigate transitions and self-identity, as a meaningful transition depends on the care-full spaces pupils inhabit. These education narratives are all in the context of privileging academic attainment and a culture of testing and examinations. Parents and professionals, as well as children are also surveyed. Until there are care-full education processes, marginalisation will remain, impacting on disabled children’s transition to secondary school and healthy identity construction. Moreover, if educational challenges are not addressed, their life chances are increasingly limited. Interdependent caring work enables engagement in a meaningful education and positive identity formation. In school and at home, care-full spaces are key in this process.

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A significant proportion of patients experience chronic post-surgical pain (CPSP) following inguinal hernia surgery. Psychological models are useful in predicting acute pain after surgery, and in predicting the transition from acute to chronic pain in non-surgical contexts. This is a prospective cohort study to investigate psychological (cognitive and emotional) risk factors for CPSP after inguinal hernia surgery. Participants were asked to complete questionnaires before surgery and 1 week and 4 months after surgery. Data collected before surgery and 1 week after surgery were used to predict pain at 4 months. Psychological risk factors assessed included anxiety, depression, fear-avoidance, activity avoidance, catastrophizing, worry about the operation, activity expectations, perceived pain control and optimism. The study included 135 participants; follow-up questionnaires were returned by 119 (88.1%) and 115 (85.2%) participants at 1 week and 4 months after surgery respectively. The incidence of CPSP (pain at 4 months) was 39.5%. After controlling for age, body mass index and surgical variables (e.g. anaesthetic, type of surgery and mesh type used), lower pre-operative optimism was an independent risk factor for CPSP at 4 months; lower pre-operative optimism and lower perceived control over pain at 1 week after surgery predicted higher pain intensity at 4 months. No emotional variables were independently predictive of CPSP. Further research should target these cognitive variables in pre-operative psychological preparation for surgery. © 2011 European Federation of International Association for the Study of Pain Chapters.

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A recent article in the Lancet, by David Stuckler, Larry King and Martin McKee, investigated anew the fluctuations in adult male mortality rates that have come to characterise the so-called post-communist mortality crisis. Adopting a cross-country, time-series perspective the authors examined how the economic policy strategies of the 1990s impacted upon observed fluctuations in mortality. They conclude that the adoption of a strategy of rapid (mass) privatisation contributed to the adverse mortality trends. We subject that finding to closer scrutiny using the same data from which the Stuckler et al claim stems. We find that their claim that mass privatisation adversely affected male mortality trends in the post-Communist world does not stand up to closer examination. It is not supported empirically and is at odds with what we know about both transition in the post-communist world and about health trends over time in this region.

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Fifteen years ago, twenty-seven countries in Europe and Central Asia embarked on their economic transition paths. For some, the outcome was a considerable success. Several others are still struggling to shed the inheritance of the past and to correct more recent policy mistakes. Why were post-Communist recessions so long in some countries and growth disappointing? Why was fiscal performance so different? Was democracy a factor, which facilitated reforms or rather slowed them down? This book discusses these questions in the context of new empirical evidence, including a critical examination of the main themes in the economics of transition.

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La música se convirtió en los años setenta en el medio para encauzar la oposición al régimen franquista y la incertidumbre ante la transición. Del ejemplo y la fascinación con la revolución cubana, a la oposición a las dictaduras chilena (1973), uruguaya (1974) y argentina (1976), todos ellos fueron hechos que en España se vivieron como propios. En esos años los cantautores españoles reivindicaban la libertad de expresión y el final de todas las dictaduras. Sin embargo, la música española comienza a transformar su mirada hacia Latinoamérica cuando la democracia es un hecho. Se representa ahora un nuevo espacio latinoamericano que me propongo caracterizar en este artículo, y a través del caso concreto de Joaquín Sabina, como "post-colonial".The music in the seventies became the vehicle for channeling opposition to the regime and the uncertainty of the transition. From the example and the fascination with the Cuban revolution, opposition to the dictatorships in Chile (1973), Uruguay (1974) and Argentina (1976), they were all events that were lived in Spain as their own. In those years the Spanish songwriters claiming freedom of expression and end of all dictatorships. However, the Spanish music begins to turn their attention to Latin America where democracy is a fact. It is now a new Latin American space I propose to characterize in this article, and through the specific case of Joaquin Sabina, as "post-colonial".J A brief survey of style to your work reflects his role as poet cult following in the wake of Herrera or Gongora, as did Antequerana School, aims to upgrade from his vivid descriptions, his Christian ideas and a lyrical formal mannerisms full of clichés.