The missing ingredient:inter-municipal cooperation and central-local relations in the UK

The thrust of the argument presented in this chapter is that inter-municipal cooperation (IMC) in the United Kingdom reflects local government's constitutional position and its exposure to the exigencies of Westminster (elected central government) and Whitehall (centre of the professional civil service that services central government). For the most part councils are without general powers of competence and are restricted in what they can do by Parliament. This suggests that the capacity for locally driven IMC is restricted and operates principally within a framework constructed by central government's policy objectives and legislation and the political expediencies of the governing political party. In practice, however, recent examples of IMC demonstrate that the practices are more complex than this initial analysis suggests. Central government may exert top-down pressures and impose hierarchical directives, but there are important countervailing forces. Constitutional changes in Scotland and Wales have shifted the locus of central- local relations away from Westminster and Whitehall. In England, the seeding of English government regional offices in 1994 has evolved into an important structural arrangement that encourages councils to work together. Within the local government community there is now widespread acknowledgement that to achieve the ambitious targets set by central government, councils are, by necessity, bound to cooperate and work with other agencies. In recent years, the fragmentation of public service delivery has affected the scope of IMC. Elected local government in the UK is now only one piece of a complex jigsaw of agencies that provides services to the public; whether it is with non-elected bodies, such as health authorities, public protection authorities (police and fire), voluntary nonprofit organisations or for-profit bodies, councils are expected to cooperate widely with agencies in their localities. Indeed, for projects such as regeneration and community renewal, councils may act as the coordinating agency but the success of such projects is measured by collaboration and partnership working (Davies 2002). To place these developments in context, IMC is an example of how, in spite of the fragmentation of traditional forms of government, councils work with other public service agencies and other councils through the medium of interagency partnerships, collaboration between organisations and a mixed economy of service providers. Such an analysis suggests that, following changes to the system of local government, contemporary forms of IMC are less dependent on vertical arrangements (top-down direction from central government) as they are replaced by horizontal modes (expansion of networks and partnership arrangements). Evidence suggests, however that central government continues to steer local authorities through the agency of inspectorates and regulatory bodies, and through policy initiatives, such as local strategic partnerships and local area agreements (Kelly 2006), thus questioning whether, in the case of UK local government, the shift from hierarchy to network and market solutions is less differentiated and transformation less complete than some literature suggests. Vertical or horizontal pressures may promote IMC, yet similar drivers may deter collaboration between local authorities. An example of negative vertical pressure was central government's change of the systems of local taxation during the 1980s. The new taxation regime replaced a tax on property with a tax on individual residency. Although the community charge lasted only a few years, it was a highpoint of the then Conservative government policy that encouraged councils to compete with each other on the basis of the level of local taxation. In practice, however, the complexity of local government funding in the UK rendered worthless any meaningful ambition of councils competing with each other, especially as central government granting to local authorities is predicated (however imperfectly) on at least notional equalisation between those areas with lower tax yields and the more prosperous locations. Horizontal pressures comprise factors such as planning decisions. Over the last quarter century, councils have competed on the granting of permission to out-of-town retail and leisure complexes, now recognised as detrimental to neighbouring authorities because economic forces prevail and local, independent shops are unable to compete with multiple companies. These examples illustrate tensions at the core of the UK polity of whether IMC is feasible when competition between local authorities heightened by local differences reduces opportunities for collaboration. An alternative perspective on IMC is to explore whether specific purposes or functions promote or restrict it. Whether in the principle areas of local government responsibilities relating to social welfare, development and maintenance of the local infrastructure or environmental matters, there are examples of IMC. But opportunities have diminished considerably as councils lost responsibility for services provision as a result of privatisation and transfer of powers to new government agencies or to central government. Over the last twenty years councils have lost their role in the provision of further-or higher-education, public transport and water/sewage. Councils have commissioning power but only a limited presence in providing housing needs, social care and waste management. In other words, as a result of central government policy, there are, in practice, currently far fewer opportunities for councils to cooperate. Since 1997, the New Labour government has promoted IMC through vertical drivers and the development; the operation of these policy initiatives is discussed following the framework of the editors. Current examples of IMC are notable for being driven by higher tiers of government, working with subordinate authorities in principal-agent relations. Collaboration between local authorities and intra-interand cross-sectoral partnerships are initiated by central government. In other words, IMC is shaped by hierarchical drivers from higher levels of government but, in practice, is locally varied and determined less by formula than by necessity and function. © 2007 Springer.

The Audit Commission:guiding, steering and regulating local government

How does the non-executant state ensure that its agents are fulfilling their obligations to deliver nationally determined policies? In the case of elected local government in England and Wales, this function is carried out by the Audit Commission (AC) for Local Authorities and the Health Service for England and Wales. Since being established in 1983, it is the means by which local authorities are held to account by central government, both for its own purposes and on behalf of other interested stakeholders. Although the primary function of the AC is to ensure that local authorities are fulfilling their obligations, it does so by using different methods. By acting as a regulator, an independent expert, an opinion former and a mediator, the AC steers local authorities to ensure that they are compliant with the regulatory regime and are implementing legislation properly.

Public sector auditing in Fiji:tracing its development and expansion

This paper examines the processes of public sector auditing, and its influence in Fiji over the period 1874-2003. Analyses of historical documents indicate that there were four major themes that influenced expansion of traditional auditing into performance auditing. This paper examines these. It also provides insights into the development of accountability practices as a result of changes in the Auditor-General's role. Conclusions drawn from the analysis indicate that traditional public sector auditing in Fiji expanded in accountability terms, possibly driven by public pressure through the media and elected representatives.

Exercise agency? The role of elite actors in local democracy in English local government: the local democracy maker.

The way in which employed senior elites in English local government exercise their agency in the practice of local democracy and local governance is considered in this thesis. The research posits the notion that elite Officers act as Local Democracy Makers as they draw on their own traditions and ideologies in responding to the dilemmas of changing policy and politics in the public realm. The study is located in the latter part of New Labour?s term of office and applies an interpretive and reflexive approach to three studies of the exercise of well being powers. The approach is one of applied ethnography through the examination of literature reviews, interviews and observations of decisions taken in the exercise of the powers of economic, environmental and social well-being are used to examine how and why the Local Democracy Makers make sense of their world in the way that they do. The research suggests that, despite prevailing narratives, local governance arrangements depend on a system of hierarchy, employed elites and local politics. The challenges of re-configuring local democracy and attempts at "hollowing out" the state have secured an influential role for the non-elected official. How officials interpret, advise, mediate and manage the exercise of local governance and local democracy presents a challenge to assumptions that public services are governed beyond or without local government. New narratives and reflections on the role of the local government Officer and the marginalisation of the elected Councillor are presented in the research. In particular, how the senior elite occupy managerial, strategic and political roles as Local Democracy Makers, offers an insight into the agency of strategic actors in localities. Consequently, the success of changes in public policy is materially influenced by how the practitioner responds to such dilemmas. The thesis concludes by suggesting that integral to the design and success of public policy implementation is the role of the Officer, and especially those practitioners that advise governing arrangements and democratic practice.

Characterisation of a harvesting step for monoclonal antibodies from mammalian cell culture

The focus of this research was defined by a poorly characterised filtration train employed to clarify culture broth containing monoclonal antibodies secreted by GS-NSO cells: the filtration train blinded unpredictably and the ability of the positively charged filters to adsorb DNA from process material was unknown. To direct the development of an assay to quantify the ability of depth filters to adsorb DNA, the molecular weight of DNA from a large-scale, fed-batch, mammalian cell culture vessel was evaluated as process material passed through the initial stages of the purification scheme. High molecular weight DNA was substantially cleared from the broth after passage through a disc stack centrifuge and the remaining low molecular weight DNA was largely unaffected by passage through a series of depth filters and a sterilising grade membrane. Removal of high molecular weight DNA was shown to be coupled with clarification of the process stream. The DNA from cell culture supernatant showed a pattern of internucleosomal cleavage of chromatin when fractionated by electrophoresis but the presence of both necrotic and apoptotic cells throughout the fermentation meant that the origin of the fragmented DNA could not be unequivocally determined. An intercalating fluorochrome, PicoGreen, was elected for development of a suitable DNA assay because of its ability to respond to low molecular weight DNA. It was assessed for its ability to determine the concentration of DNA in clarified mammalian cell culture broths containing pertinent monoclonal antibodies. Fluorescent signal suppression was ameliorated by sample dilution or by performing the assay above the pI of secreted IgG. The source of fluorescence in clarified culture broth was validated by incubation with RNase A and DNase I. At least 89.0 % of fluorescence was attributable to nucleic acid and pre-digestion with RNase A was shown to be a requirement for successful quantification of DNA in such samples. Application of the fluorescence based assay resulted in characterisation of the physical parameters governing adsorption of DNA by various positively charged depth filters and membranes in test solutions and the DNA adsorption profile of the manufacturing scale filtration train. Buffers that reduced or neutralised the depth filter or membrane charge, and those that impeded hydrophobic interactions were shown to affect their operational capacity, demonstrating that DNA was adsorbed by a combination of electrostatic and hydrophobic interactions. Production-scale centrifugation of harvest broth containing therapeutic protein resulted in the reduction of total DNA in the process stream from 79.8 μg m1-1 to 9.3 μg m1-1 whereas the concentration of DNA in the supernatant of pre-and post-filtration samples had only marginally reduced DNA content: from 6.3 to 6.0 μg m1-1 respectively. Hence the filtration train was shown to ineffective in DNA removal. Historically, blinding of the depth filters had been unpredictable with data such as numbers of viable cells, non-viable cells, product titre, or process shape (batch, fed-batch, or draw and fill) failing to inform on the durability of depth filters in the harvest step. To investigate this, key fouling contaminants were identified by challenging depth filters with the same mass of one of the following: viable healthy cells, cells that had died by the process of apoptosis, and cells that had died through the process of necrosis. The pressure increase across a Cuno Zeta Plus 10SP depth filter was 2.8 and 16.5 times more sensitive to debris from apoptotic and necrotic cells respectively, when compared to viable cells. The condition of DNA released into the culture broth was assessed. Necrotic cells released predominantly high molecular weight DNA in contrast to apoptotic cells which released chiefly low molecular weight DNA. The blinding of the filters was found to be largely unaffected by variations in the particle size distribution of material in, and viscosity of, solutions with which they were challenged. The exceptional response of the depth filters to necrotic cells may suggest the cause of previously noted unpredictable filter blinding whereby a number of necrotic cells have a more significant impact on the life of a depth filter than a similar number of viable or apoptotic cells. In a final set of experiments the pressure drop caused by non-viable necrotic culture broths which had been treated with DNase I or benzonase was found to be smaller when compared to untreated broths: the abilities of the enzyme treated cultures to foul the depth filter were reduced by 70.4% and 75.4% respectively indicating the importance of DNA in the blinding of the depth filter studied.

The Sarkozy effect: France’s new presidential dynamic

The election on 6 May 2007 of Nicolas Sarkozy as President of the Republic ushered in the promise of a new era in France. Sarkozy’s presidency follows those of the Socialist François Mitterrand (1981-95) and the neo-Gaullist Jacques Chirac (1995-2007), who together occupied France’s highest political office for more than a quarter-century. From the outset, Sarkozy’s presidential campaign was predicated on the need for change in France, for a “rupture” with the past; and his emphatic victory against the Socialist Ségolène Royal gave him a mandate to effect this. The legislative elections of June 2007, by assuring a strong majority in the National Assembly for Sarkozy’s centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP), left the way clear for implementing the new President’s reform agenda over the next five years. This article examines the political context within which Sarkozy was elected to power, the main proposals of his presidential program, the challenges he faces, and his prospects for bringing real change to France.

Political representation in France: a crisis of democracy?

The past two decades have witnessed growing political disaffection and a widening mass/elite disjuncture in France, reflected in opinion polls, rising abstentionism, electoral volatility and fragmentation, with sustained voting against incumbent governments. Though the electoral system has preserved the duopoly of the mainstream coalitions, they have suffered loss of public confidence and swings in electoral support. Stable parliamentary majorities conceal a political landscape of assorted anti-system parties and growing support for far right and far left. The picture is paradoxical: the French express alienation from political parties yet relate positively to their political institutions; they berate national politicians but retain strong bonds with those elected locally; they appear increasingly disengaged from politics yet forms of ‘direct democracy’ are finding new vigour. While the electoral, attitudinal and systemic factors reviewed here may not signal a crisis of democracy, they point to serious problems of political representation in contemporary France.

Polymer degradation and stability

This edition of Polymer Degradation and Stability is dedicated to papers which were presented in the session on ‘Chemical Modification’ at the Third International Conference on Modification Degradation and Stabilisation of Polymers (MoDeSt) held in Lyon in August 2004. This was the third meeting of the MoDeSt Society which was set up in the year 2000 under the chairmanship of Professor Franco LaMantia; the earlier meetings were held in Palermo (2000) and Budapest (2002). The overall goal of the MoDeSt Society is to promote the latest research carried out in University laboratories, in public organisations and in industry through publications, and organisation of biannual scientific conferences and workshops that act as forums for scientific developments and for promoting networking between academics and industrialists from across the field of polymer modification, degradation and stabilisation. In September 2004, Professor Norman Billingham was elected as Chairman of the Society. The conference was organised by Dr Alain Michel and Veronique Bounor-Legare of the University Claude Bernard, Lyon 1, attracting over 250 delegates with the ‘Chemical Modification’ Session alone enjoying 54 oral presentations and many more poster presentations. We are all very grateful to the organisers for running such a successful and enjoyable meeting. I wish to thank my co-editors, Professors Philippe Dubois and Domenico Acierno and Dr Alain Michel, for their cooperation in the editorial task of the papers published in this special issue. On behalf of the editors of this issue, I wish to express our appreciation to the Editor-in-Chief of Polymer Degradation and Stability, Professor Norman Billingham, for the support and help received during the preparation of this special issue.

Abolishing the Audit Commission:framing, discourse coalitions and administrative reform

The abolition of the Audit Commission in England raises questions about how a major reform was achieved with so little controversy, why the agency lacked the institutional stickiness commonly described in the literature on organisational reform and why it did not strategise to survive. In this paper, we apply argumentative discourse analysis to rich empirical data to reveal the pattern and evolution of storylines and discourse coalitions, and the ways in which these interact with and affect the practices of Parliament, the media and the Audit Commission itself. Our analysis shows that the politics of administrative reform are as much about discursive framing and the ability of pro-reformers to gain discursive structuration and institutionalisation as they are about the material resources available to a newly elected government and its ministers. Questions of technical feasibility are unlikely to derail a reform initiative once its promoters gain discursive ascendency.

Orthodox Christianity and Nationalism:an introduction

On the morning of January 5, 1859, at the end of the liturgy in the Orthodox cathedral in Iaşi, the capital of the principality of Moldavia, Father Neofit Scriban addressed the congregation. He had given many sermons in the cathedral; however, on this par tic u lar date Father Neofit faced an unusual audience. Among the faithful who regularly worshipped at the relics of Saint Parascheva, the protector of Moldavia, were the members of the assembly who would decide the future of the principality. They had a specific mission: to elect a new prince, a key figure in their plan to unite Moldavia with the neighboring principality of Wallachia. Father Neofit, a supporter of the unionist cause and fully aware of the significance of the moment, stated: Brethren, Jesus Christ has said that "For where two or three have gathered together in My name, I am there in their midst." You, Brethren, are not two, or three, but a real gathering in the name of God. God is in your midst. You are here in the name of the Romanian nation [and] the Romanian nation is in your midst. On the flag under which you have assembled, the flag of the Romanian nation, great events, the Romanian faith, unity, are written in large letters. The church, which is founded on faith, blesses the flag of this faith⋯. You, Brethren, through the faith of the Romanian nation, by remaining faithful to this flag, will find the same strength as the church [finds] in its own saints. The faith of the Romanian nation was not, is not, and will not be anything else, but the unity of all Romanians in a single state, the only anchor of salvation, the only port in which the national boat could be saved from surrounding waves. You, Brethren, have gathered here in the church of Stephen the Great; looking at the altar that he raised to the God of your parents, I think that, through this [altar], you will be able to enter into the wishes of this hero of our nation. You, [remember that] by leaving this place, you are leaving [in order to fulfill] a great gesture that for many centuries has been lost for us; you are about to elect a successor to this great hero; therefore, as his true sons, you could not be anything other than the true expression of his wishes. Myself, [as] last year, from this altar, I said and I will continue to say that this great hero has told us that "the God of our parents will send us a Redeemer who will heal our wounds and accomplish our wishes." May your chosen leader today be the redeemer expected by the Romanian nation. May he heal its wounds and achieve its wishes. Therefore, Brethren, may your election today be that of a real Messiah of Romania. God and the world are looking at you, the church is blessing you and the whole Romanian nation is waiting for you!1 A few hours after Father Neofit's sermon, the assembly elected Alexandru Ioan Cuza to be the prince of the principality of Moldavia; a few days later, on January 24, 1859, the assembly of the neighboring principality of Wallachia decided that Cuza should also be their prince, thus confirming the unification of the two states. A new country was inscribed on the map of Southeastern Europe, titled "The United Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia," also known as "The United Romanian Principalities".