The influence of social e-atmospherics in practice:a website content analysis perspectives from Turkey as an illustration of emerging market and France as a mature market

E-atmospherics have been often analyzed in terms of functional features, leaving its characteristics' link to social capital co-creation as a fertile research area. Prior research have demonstrated the capacity of e-atmospherics' at modifying shopping habits towards deeper engagement. Little is known on how processes and cues emerging from the social aspects of lifestyle influence purchasing behavior. The anatomy of social dimension and ICT is the focus of this research, where attention is devoted to unpack the meanings and type of online mundane social capital creation. Taking a cross-product/services approach to better investigate social construction impact, our approach also involves both an emerging and a mature market where exploratory content analysis of landing page are done on Turkish and French web sites, respectively. We contend that by comprehending social capital, daily micro practices, habits and routine, a better and deeper understanding on e-atmospherics incumbent and potential effects on its multi-national e-customer will be acquired.

Governance in foreign policy-making in Germany and Poland and Polish-German relations:the role of non-state actors

This thesis examines the influence of non-state actors on Polish-German relations by considering foreign policy-making towards Poland in Germany and vice versa. The approach chosen for this thesis is interdisciplinary and takes into consideration literature from domestic politics (Area Studies), Foreign Policy Analysis and International Relations (IR). The thesis argues that IR, by purely looking into the quality of inter-state relations, too often treats these relations as a result of policies emanating from the relevant governments, without considering the policies’ background. Therefore, the thesis argues that it is necessary to engage with the domestic factors which might explain where foreign policies come from. It points out that non-state actors influence governments’ choices by supplying resources, and by cooperating or competing with the government on an issue at stake. In order to determine the degree of influence that non-state actors can have on foreign policymaking two variables are examined: the institutionalisation of the state relations in question; and the domestic structures of the relevant states. Specifically, the thesis examines the institutionalisation of Polish-German relations, and examines Germany’s and Poland’s domestic structures and their effect on the two states’ foreign policy-making in general. Thereafter, the thesis uses case studies in order to unravel the influence of non-state actors on specific foreign policies. Three case studies are examined in detail: (i) Poland’s EU accession negotiations with regard to the free movement of capital chapter of the acquis communautaire; (ii) Germany’s EU 2004 Eastern Enlargement negotiations with regard to the free movement of workers chapter of the acquis communautaire; and (iii) Germany’s decision to establsh a permanent exhibition in Berlin that will depict the expulsions of millions of Germans from the East following WWII.

Les Français, les Québécois et la langue de l'autre:relations entre langue, société et culture

Quels sont les rapports entre une culture et une langue? Les Francophones de France et du Québec partagent-ils la même culture? On peut répondre à ces questions en étudiant les discours sur l'autre. L'analyse des discours publics sur la langue de l'autre permet de démontrer des divergences entre les deux groupes. Elles comprennent la valeur relative accordée à chaque variété, l'importance qu'y prend la formalité et la façon qu'on y a de conduire la conversation. Ces différences sont solidaires des stéréotypes sur l'arrogance des uns et la simplicité des autres.

When in Rome ... ?:Human resource management and the performance of foreign firms operating in India

Purpose: The purpose of the paper is to examine the kind of HRM practices being implemented by overseas firms in their Indian subsidiaries and also to analyze the linkage between HRM practices and organizational performance. Design/methodology/approach: The paper utilizes a mixture of both quantitative and qualitative techniques via personal interviews in 76 subsidiaries. Findings: The results show that while the introduction of HRM practices from the foreign parent organization is negatively associated with performance, local adaption of HRM practices is positively related with the performance of foreign firms operating in India. Research limitations/implications: The main limitations include data being collected by only one respondent from each firm, and the relatively small sample size. Practical implications: The key message for practitioners is that HRM systems do improve organizational performance in the Indian subsidiaries of foreign firms, and an emphasis on the localization of HRM practices can further contribute in this regard. Originality/value: This is perhaps the very first investigation of its kind in the Indian context. © Emerald Group Publishing Limited.

La France dans le Pacifique Sud:les enjeux de la puissance

La France est présente dans le Pacifique Sud depuis le milieu du XIXème siècle, mais ce n’est qu’à partir des années 1970 que ses relations avec les États de la région ont connu de grands bouleversements. Le territoire ainsi que la stratégie nucléaire, facteurs de puissance pour la France, sont devenus les fondements de la contestation régionale, exprimée par l’opposition au développement des activités nucléaires en Polynésie française et par le soutien au mouvement indépendantiste kanak en Nouvelle-Calédonie. Cependant au-delà d’une apparente cohésion, cette contestation a révélé des enjeux régionaux divers voire diviseurs notamment parmi les jeunes États mélanésiens. Un rapprochement s’est pourtant opéré à partir de 1989 entre les États du Pacifique Sud et la France. Celle-ci a développé deux types d’actions, les unes relevant de politiques essentiellement nationales ou territoriales, les autres de politique extérieure, et toutes généralement conduites ou initiées par de fortes personnalités politiques. Les États du Pacifique Sud ont accueilli ces initiatives de façon d’autant plus positive que certains se sont retrouvés confrontés aux aléas de leur relativement récente indépendance. La présence française semble désormais devenue un atout pour le Pacifique Sud.

Investigating Turkey's national innovation and learning system

The national systems of innovation (NIS) approach focuses on the patterns and the determinants of innovation processes from the perspective of nation-states. This paper reports on continuing work on the application of an NIS model to the development of technological capability in Turkey. Initial assessment of the literature shows that there are a number of alternative conceptualisations of NIS. An attempt by the Government to identify a NIS for Turkey shows the main actors in the system but does not pay sufficient attention to the processes of interactions between agents within the system. An operational model should be capable of representing these processes and interactions and assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the NIS. For industrialising countries, it is also necessary to incorporate learning mechanisms into the model. Further, there are different levels of innovation and capability in different sectors which the national perspective may not reflect. This paper is arranged into three sections. The first briefly explains the basics of the national innovation and learning system. Although there is no single accepted definition of NIS, alternative definitions reviewed share some common characteristics. In the second section, an NIS model is applied to Turkey in order to identify the elements, which characterise the country’s NIS. This section explains knowledge flow and defines the relations between the actors within the system. The final section draws on the “from imitation to innovation” model apparently so successful in East Asia and assesses its applicability to Turkey. In assessing Turkey’s NIS, the focus is on the automotive and textile sectors.

Beyond securitisation : Western Mediterranean international relations from a security perspective 1989-2002

Following the end of the Cold War and the ensuing changes to the international landscape, thinking about security has tended to become more discursive and interpretative in nature. What counts as security has increasingly derived from security discourses (that is, 'securitisation') and uncertainty about the multi-faceted future facing various countries and regions. Within this post-Cold War discourse, the Western Mediterranean has emerged as a region fraught with latent and manifest threats in the economic, political, societal and military sectors. Improved access to EU markets for Maghrebi exports; the security of energy supplies to the EU from Algeria and Libya; lack of democracy and the advance of political Islam; the flow of northward migration and worries about law and order in France, Italy and Spain; the growth in military expenditure and weapons proliferation in the Maghreb; all have been central to the securitisation agenda. However, this agenda has often lacked credibility especially when inter-linkages have purportedly been established between economic underdevelopment and political instability, between the advance of political Islam and the threat to energy supplies, or between immigration and the threat to national identity. Such inter-sectoral linkages distract from the credibility of those 'securitisation instances' which correspond to reality; the former linkages have often been exploited by extremist politicians in south-west European countries as well as by regimes in the Maghreb to advance their respective interests. Thus, securitisation may defeat its main purpose; it may generate responses out of keeping with the aims proclaimed at the outset, aims centred on the countering of real threats and the ensuring of greater stability.

Motivational state and process within the sociolinguistic context : an Anglo-French comparative study of school pupils learning foreign languages

The aim of this study was to investigate the effect of the socio-cultural environment upon the motivation school children have to learn foreign languages. Motivation was therefore considered from a sociolinguistic, rather than from a psycholinguistic perspective, giving primary importance to contextual, as opposed to personal factors. In order to examine the degree of relationship between motivational intensity and the contextual factors of parental attitudes, amount of foreign language exposure and the employment related value of foreign language learning (FLL), data obtained from school children living in two distinct sociolinguistic environments (Mulhouse, France and Walsall, England) were compared and contrasted. A structured sample drawn from pupils attending schools in Mulhouse and Walsall supplied the data base for this research. The main thrust of the study was quantitative in approach, involving the distribution of almost 1000 questionnaires to pupils in both towns. This was followed up by the use of qualitative methods, in the form of in-depth interviews with an individually matched sample of over 50 French/English pupils. The findings of the study indicate that FLL orientations, attitudes and motivation vary considerably between the two sociolinguistic environments. Levels of motivation were generally higher in the French sample than in the English one. Desire to learn foreign languages and a commitment to expend effort in order to fulfil this desire were key components of this motivation. The study also found evidence to suggest that the importance accorded to FLL by the socio-cultural context, communicated to the child through the socialisation agents of the family, the mass media and prospective employers, is of key importance in FLL motivation.

Public opinion and the making of foreign policy in the 'New Europe':a comparative study of Poland and Ukraine

Since 1989, by drawing a new boundary between the EU and its eastern neighbours, the European Union has created a frontier that has been popularly described in the frontier states as the new 'Berlin Wall'. This book is the first comparative study of the impact of public opinion on the making of foreign policy in two eastern European states that live on either side of the new European divide: Poland and Ukraine. Focusing on the vocal, informed segment of public opinion and drawing on results of both opinion polls and a series of innovative focus groups gathered since the Orange Revolution, Nathaniel Copsey unravels the mystery of how this crucial segment of the public impacts on foreign policy-makers in both states. In developing this argument, Copsey takes a closer look at the business community and how important economic factors are in forming public opinion. Filling a gap in the literature currently available on the topic, this book presents a fresh approach to our understanding of Polish-Ukrainian relations and how the public's view of the past influences contemporary politics. It is an ideal resource for those researching in the field of Russian and Eastern European Studies.

Stanley Hoffmann: a political life:a political life

Stanley Hoffmann is one of the most eminent political scholars of our age—a renowned authority in the study of French, European, and world politics over half a century, an influential theorist of international relations, a critical analyst of US foreign policy, and a voice of moral conscience in many public debates of his time. Hoffmann has always asked big questions—and to those questions he brings an encyclopedic mind that crosses boundaries between politics, history, sociology, law, philosophy, ethics, and literature. This brief article highlights some aspects of his life and work, and introduces a symposium in his honor bringing together five leading scholars on France, Europe, international relations, and international law—each with an enduring debt to the teaching, writings and example of Stanley Hoffmann.

Highly emotional States:French-US Relations and the Iraq war

Understanding the true nature of the relations between France and the United States is central to an understanding of the diplomatic crisis that broke out between them in 2003 over the War in Iraq. An analysis of the political cultures of France and the US offers considerable explanatory power to this dramatic diplomatic dispute. The inordinately emotional aspects of the Franco-US arguments of 2003 mask the fact that the two countries understand each other little. In the French case, its self-view and related diplomatic comportment in the twentieth century was informed by its relationship to Germany; and from it a range of cultural characteristics emerged, among them: vulnerability, self-regard, a romanticized view of itself, and the personalization of national identity. At the moment France’s response to its cultural heritage was beginning to shift to a different (post-Gaullist) paradigm, the dispute with the US erupted.

Still entrenched in the conflict/cooperation dichotomy? EU–Russia relations and the Ukraine crisis

The article highlights that the traditional conflict/cooperation dichotomy which characterised the dynamic of European Union (EU)–Russia relation during the post-Cold War period has remained stable throughout the Ukraine crisis. It identifies a pattern of continuity rather than change in the main characteristics of the traditional conflict/cooperation dichotomy: the post-Cold War order on the European continent, values and worldviews, perceptions of self and other, and policies towards each other and post-Soviet space. Secondly, in tune with neoclassical realism the article aims to account for the relative persistence of the conflict/cooperation dichotomy. It argues that the dynamic of EU–Russia relations remained rather stable due to the fact that neither the EU nor Russian foreign policy has undergone major transformations (of both power, scope and organisation) that would provide incentive or constrains for a complete overhaul of the conflict/cooperation dichotomy. Moreover, the article claims that the relative stability of world politics since the start of the Ukraine crisis has not given any the EU and Russia incentives – or constrained them – to seek to change the overall dynamic of their relationship.