The political shaping of energy technology:combined heat and power in Britain

There has been negligible adoption of combined heat and power (CHP) for district heating (DH) in Britain, despite continued advocacy. This thesis constructs an account of the treatment of the option, and devises a framework for explanation. Analysis of technological development and adoption, it is argued, should be similar to that of other social processes, and be subject to the same requirements and criticisms. They will, however, show features peculiar to the institutions developing and selecting technologies, their relation to different social groups, and the forms of knowledge in and about technology. Conventional approaches - organisation and interorganisation theories, and analyses of policy-making - give useful insights but have common limitations. Elements of an analytical framework situating detailed issues and outcomes in a structured historical context are derived from convergent radical critiques. Thus activity on CHP/DH is essentially shaped by the development and relations of energy sector institutions: central and local government, nationalised industries and particularly the electricity industry. Analysis of them is related to the specific character of the British state. A few CHP and DH installations were tried before 1940. During postwar reconstruction, extensive plans for several cities were abandoned or curtailed. In the 1960s and 70s, many small non-CHP DH schemes were installed on housing estates. From the mid-70s, the national potential of CHP/DH has been reappraised, with widespread support and favourable evaluations, but little practical progress. Significant CHP/DH adoption is shown to have been systematically excluded ultimately by the structure of energy provision; centralised production interests dominate and co-ordination is weak. Marginal economics and political commitment have allowed limited development in exceptional circumstances. Periods of upheaval provided greater opportunity and incentive for CHP/DH but restructuring eventually obstructed it. Explanation of these outcomes is shown to require analysis at several levels, from broad context to detailed action.

The social construction of lesbianism: a reappraisal

The commentators in this reappraisal describe The Social Construction of Lesbianism (1987) as ‘classic’ (Coyle1), ‘exciting’ (Tiefer), ‘important’, (MacBride-Stewart), ‘fascinating’ (Snelling), a ‘remarkable achievement’ (Snelling), and an ‘engagingly written, political tour de force’ (Coyle). Like some of the commentators (Coyle, Snelling), one of us (VC) owns a well-read copy of The Social Construction of Lesbianism, highlighted in all the colours of the rainbow and covered in (now) rather cryptic notes. This was the copy that passed back and forth between us as we completed our PhDs in lesbian and gay psychology, both of which were supervised by Celia Kitzinger. As young lesbian feminists, we were drawn to Celia’s radicalism and uncompromising political commitment. She was an inspiring, challenging, passionate and energetic PhD supervisor, and we are honoured and privileged to edit this reappraisal of The Social Construction of Lesbianism, a book based on her PhD.

A critical language study of Tanzanian presidential Kiswahili political oratory

The thesis discusses the result of a critical language study (CLS) of Tanzanian Presidential Kiswahili political oratory (TPKPO). The CLS was motivted by the belief that one of the principal contributions that linguists could make to the survival and development of their societies is to adopt what Shapiro (1990:12) paraphrasing Foucault (1977) has callled "a commitment to a form of inquiry aimed at the continuous disruption of the structures of "intelligibility" upon which some of the prevailing hegemonic political prejudices and biases are based. Faifclough's (1989) ideas regarding the need for and how to conduct CLS were dapted to suit the specific goal of the curren study which was to determine the inter and intra speker vriation within contemporary Tanzanian Kiswahili political discourse taking the oratory ex-president J. K. Nyerere and tha of Prersident A. H. Mwinyi as a case in point. The results of the study, which adopted a largely ethnographic research design, permit one to make two important observations about TPKPO.

Proactive and politically skilled professionals:what is the relationship with affective occupational commitment?

The aim of this study is to extend research on employee affective commitment in three ways: (1) instead of organizational commitment the focus is on occupational commitment; (2) the role of proactive personality on affective occupational commitment is examined; and (3) occupational satisfaction is examined as a mediator and political skills as moderator in the relationship between proactive personality and affective occupational commitment. Two connected studies, one in a hospital located in the private sector and one in a university located in the public sector, are carried out in Pakistan, drawing on a total sample of over 400 employees. The results show that proactive personality is positively related to affective occupational commitment, and that occupational satisfaction partly mediates the relationship between proactive personality and affective occupational commitment. No effect is found for a moderator effect of political skills in the relationship between proactive personality and affective occupational commitment. Political skills however moderate the relationship between proactive personality and affective organizational commitment. © 2011 The Author(s).