7 resultados para Policy agenda
em Aston University Research Archive
Resumo:
This article examines the adoption, by the New Labour government, of a mixed communities approach to the renewal of disadvantaged neighbourhoods in England. It argues that while there are continuities with previous policy, the new approach represents a more neoliberal policy turn in three respects: its identification of concentrated poverty as the problem; its faith in market-led regeneration; and its alignment with a new urban policy agenda in which cities are gentrified and remodelled as sites for capital accumulation through entrepreneurial local governance. The article then draws on evidence from the early phases of the evaluation of the mixed community demonstration projects to explore how the new policy approach is playing out at a local level, where it is layered upon existing policies, politics and institutional relationships. Tensions between neighbourhood and strategic interests, community and capital are evident as the local projects attempt neighbourhood transformation, while seeking to protect the rights and interests of existing residents. Extensive community consultation efforts run parallel with emergent governance structures, in which local state and capital interests combine and communities may effectively be disempowered. Policies and structures are still evolving and it is not yet entirely clear how these tensions will be resolved, especially in the light of a collapsing housing market, increased poverty and demand for affordable housing, and a shortage of private investment.
Resumo:
Focal Point - There are reduced opportunities for locum pharmacists to access training and education that meets their needs and enables them to play a full role under the new pharmacy contract - Eighty-six per cent of locums consider themselves to be more health professional than business person, compared to just 48% of pharmacy owners - Forty per cent of locums believe that a lack of access to training is a major barrier to the development of their public health function - While locum pharmacists are arguably more likely to embrace 'professionalising', patient-care-based roles, they are also the group least likely to be able to access the necessary training to fulfill such roles Introduction It has been suggested that locum pharmacists do not want the business-based responsibilities (e.g. staff management, meeting targets, etc) that come with pharmacy management.1 Research also suggests that locums derive great satisfaction from the health-professional aspects of the pharmacists’ role (e.g. patient contact, the provision of advice, etc).1 However, upon the introduction of the new pharmacy contract (April 2005), concerns were expressed that it was becoming increasingly difficult for locum pharmacists to access training and education that would meet their needs and enable them to play a full role under the new framework.2,3 Method After piloting, in August 2006 a self-completion postal questionnaire was sent to a random sample of practising community pharmacists, stratified for country and sex, within Great Britain (n = 1998), with a follow-up to non-responders 4 weeks later. Data were analysed using SPSS (v12.0). A final response rate of 51% (n = 1023/1998) was achieved. Respondents were asked ‘indicate how you view yourself as a pharmacist’ – in terms of their relative focus on the health-professional and business aspects of their role. Respondents were also asked ‘do you consider a lack of training opportunities to be a barrier to the development of the public health role of community pharmacists?’. Results Locums were significantly more likely than owners or employees to consider each factor a major barrier. Discussion Four in 10 locums consider a lack of training opportunities to constitute a major barrier to the development of their public health function. Pharmacy may not be able to provide the services required of it by the policy agenda if pharmacists are unable to be involved in extended role activities through a lack of training opportunities. Therefore, the paradox that needs to be addressed is that while locum pharmacists are arguably more likely to embrace ‘professionalising’, patient-care-based roles, they are also the group least likely to be able to access training to fulfil such roles. The training needs of this large subset of the pharmacist population need to be assessed and met if the whole community pharmacy workforce is going to maximise its contribution to public health under the new contractual framework. References 1 Shann P, Hassell K. An exploration of the diversity and complexity of the pharmacy locum workforce. London: Royal Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain; 2004. 2 Almond M. Locums – key players in workforce – cast adrift as contract launched. Pharm J 2005;274:420. 3 Bishop DH. A lack of appreciation of what really happens. Pharm J 2005;274:451.
Resumo:
The establishment of the Greater London Authority (GLA) in 2000 brought a new form of politics to London and new powers to formulate strategic policy. Through an investigation of the access of business interests in the formulation of London's strategic agenda, this article illuminates one aspect of the pressures on city government. It uses the urban regime approach as a framework for analysing the co-operation between the Mayor and business interests in shaping strategic priorities. Although there was a surrounding rhetoric that pointed towards a greater consensus-seeking approach, the business sector was very active in maintaining its privileged access. Strategic priorities were established in the GLA's first year and were then subsequently embodied in the London Plan. Our analysis is based on a detailed examination of this agenda-setting period using material from meetings, written reports and interviews with key actors. © 2005 The Editors of Urban Studies.
Resumo:
By contrast to major constitutional reforms elsewhere in the UK, in England's eight regions beyond London New Labour has favoured administrative decentralisation. This paper examines these institutional arrangements and assesses their capacity to develop a more integrated approach to territorial development. It confirms a growing awareness of the need to ensure greater coherence between policies to promote economic, social and environmental wellbeing. Nonetheless, a complex regional institutional architecture, inconsistent sector-based strategies, a lack of strategic leadership and blurred accountabilities hamper moves towards policy integration and the delivery of joint outcomes. Moreover, despite ongoing reforms, the absence of a clear regional agenda in a functionally designed Whitehall raises fundamental questions about the ability of sub-national bodies to work collectively to develop and implement a more coherent approach to regional policy.
Resumo:
This article discusses the findings of a study tracing the incorporation of claims about infant brain development into English family policy as part of the longer term development of a ‘parent training’, early intervention agenda. The main focus is on the ways in which the deployment of neuroscientific discourse in family policy creates the basis for a new governmental oversight of parents. We argue that advocacy of ‘early intervention’, in particular that which deploys the authority of ‘the neuroscience’, places parents at the centre of the policy stage but simultaneously demotes and marginalises them. So we ask, what becomes of the parent when politically and culturally, the child is spoken of as infinitely and permanently neurologically vulnerable to parental influence? In particular, the policy focus on parental emotions and their impact on infant brain development indicates that this represents a biologisation of ‘therapeutic’ governance.