Transcranial magnetic stimulation reveals modulation of corticospinal excitability when observing actions with the intention to imitate

Studies using transcranial magnetic stimulation have demonstrated that action observation can modulate the activity of the corticospinal system. This has been attributed to the activity of an 'action observation network', whereby premotor cortex activity influences corticospinal excitability. Neuroimaging studies have demonstrated that the context in which participants observe actions (i.e. whether they simply attend to an action, or observe it with the intention to imitate) modulates action observation network activity. The study presented here examined whether the context in which actions were observed revealed similar modulatory effects on corticospinal excitability. Eight human participants observed a baseline stimulus (a fixation cross), observed actions in order to attend to them, or observed the same actions with the intention to imitate them. Whereas motor evoked potentials elicited from the first dorsal interosseus muscle of the hand were facilitated by attending to actions, observing the same actions in an imitative capacity led to no facilitation effect. Furthermore, no motor facilitation effects occurred in a control muscle. Electromyographic data collected when participants physically imitated the observed actions revealed that the activity of the first dorsal interosseus muscle increased significantly during action execution compared with rest. These data suggest that an inhibitory mechanism acts on the corticospinal system to prevent the immediate overt imitation of observed actions. These data provide novel insight into the properties of the human action observation network, demonstrating for the first time that observing actions with the intention to imitate them can modulate the effects of action observation on corticospinal excitability.

To move or not to move, that is the question! Body schema and non-action oriented body representations:an fMRI meta-analytic study

Many studies have attempted to identify the different cognitive components of body representation (BR). Due to methodological issues, the data reported in these studies are often confusing. Here we summarize the fMRI data from previous studies and explore the possibility of a neural segregation between BR supporting actions (body-schema, BS) or not (non-oriented-to-action-body-representation, NA). We performed a general activation likelihood estimation meta-analysis of 59 fMRI experiments and two individual meta-analyses to identify the neural substrates of different BR. Body processing involves a wide network of areas in occipital, parietal, frontal and temporal lobes. NA selectively activates the somatosensory primary cortex and the supramarginal gyrus. BS involves the primary motor area and the right extrastriate body area. Our data suggest that motor information and recognition of body parts are fundamental to build BS. Instead, sensory information and processing of the egocentric perspective are more important for NA. In conclusion, our results strongly support the idea that different and segregated neural substrates are involved in body representations orient or not to actions.

Modernisation in small steps? Comparing the organisational reforms of the British Conservative Party and the German CDU

Research on political parties has long identified “environmental” pressures upon parties to undertake organisational and programmatic reforms – this applies in particular to “catch-all” parties or Volksparteien. Changed social and media structures, the decline of organisations traditionally associated with the parties, and the growth in alternative possibilities of political participation create significant organisational – as well as programmatic – challenges. This paper compares the German CDU and the British Conservatives in two respects: in particular it focuses on their organisational responses to the election defeats they suffered at the end of the 1990s, examining those reforms which took place and consider whether these match the expectations of organisational reforms anticipated by proponents of the “cartel party thesis”. While in both cases there are similarities, but (in particular in the German case) it is important not to understate the extent of internal party resistance to reform, and thus the difficulties with which aspiring party reformers are confronted. This conclusion suggests, more broadly, that in reality the process of party change is more than an almost automatic, isomorphic, and inevitable response to a changing environment. Rather it is punctuated, messy, and often contingent on events and agents.

Dangerous brown men:exploiting sex, violence and feminism in the 'war on terror'

Why is the public presentation of the war on terror suffused with sexualised racism? What does this tell us about ideas of gender, sexuality, religious and political identity and the role of the state in the Western powers? Can we diffuse inter-ethnic conflicts and change the way the West pursues its security agenda by understanding the role of sexualised racism in the war on terror? In asking such questions, Gargi Bhattacharyya considers how the concepts of imperialism, feminism, terror and security can be applied, in order to build on the influential debates about the sexualised character of colonialism. She examines the way in which western imperial violence has been associated with the rhetoric of rights and democracy - a project of bombing for freedom that has called into question the validity of western conceptions of democracy, rights and feminism. Such rhetoric has given rise to actions that go beyond simply protecting western interests or securing access to scarce resources and appear to be beyond instrumental reason. The articulations of racism that appear with the war on terror are animated by fears and sexual fantasies inexplicable by rational interest alone. There can be no resolution to this seemingly endless conflict without understanding the highly sexualised racism that animates it. Such an understanding threatens to pierce the heart of imperial relations, revealing their intense contradictions and uncovering attempts to normalise violent expropriation.

Channel incentives as unilateral and bilateral governance processes

The authors investigate channel incentives as extra-contractual governance processes that maintain and extend marketing channel relationships. More specifically, instrumental incentives are monetary-based payments made by a manufacturer in a unilateral channel arrangement to motivate distributor compliance, while equity incentives are bilateral expectations of fair treatment that motivate both parties to continue to cooperate with one another. A model of the antecedents and performance consequences of channel incentives is conceptualized and tested on 314 marketing channel relationships using a structural equation modeling methodology. The findings support the conceptual model and suggest that unique facets of the channel relationship explain the type of incentive mechanism in use.

The PCF and the question of intellectual workers : the crisis of social ideology

The aim of this thesis is to examine the approach of the Parti Communiste Francais (from 1956 to 1982) to the emergence of new strata of salaried `intellectual workers' (technicians, engineers, low to middle managers in industry and commerce, scientific researchers, teachers etc) parallelled by the gradual diminution of the traditional industrial working class which forms the core of the Party's support base. This examination is carried out in the context of the debate in France (initiated in the 1950s by social theorists of the Left) on the class membership and role of these strata. The reason for the emergence of such a debate is that in a society given to both a rapid evolution of its social structure and an increased polarisation between Left and Right, a precise knowledge of the objective and subjective determinations of new strata would enable parties to the Left to make proper distinctions between potential allies and adversaries. The thesis posits the view that the PCF has failed to make correct distinctions between its potential allies and adversaries and has thus pursued unsuccessful alliance strategies. The thesis contributes towards a scientifically-based understanding of one of the reasons governing the PCF's steady decline since the 1950s.

Technical change and work organisation

This thesis is an exploration of the social and political processes involved in the introduction of new technology to the shopfloor. Through a series of case studies of applications of microelectronics to batch manufacture, it attempts to uncover the ways in which the values and interests of managers, engineers, workers and others profoundly influence the choice and use of technology, and thus the work organisation which emerges. Previous analyses have tended to treat new technology as if it had "impacts" on work organisation - especially skills - which are inevitable in particular technical and economic circumstances. It is in opposition to this view that technical change is here treated as a matter for social choice and political negotiation, the various interested parties to the change being shown to attempt to incorporate their own interests into the technical and social organisation of work. Section one provides the relevant background to the case studies by summarising and criticising previous theoretical and empirical work in the area. The inadequacies of this work for our concerns are drawn out, and the need for detailed studies of the political aspects of technical change is justified. The case studies are presented in section two as a set of "episodes" of innovation, and section three analyses the empirical findings. The innovations are compared and contrasted in order to illustrate the social and political dynamics involved in the various stages of the innovation process. Finally some comments are made on policy issues for which the research has important implications.

Linked knowledge sources for topic classification of microposts:a semantic graph-based approach

Short text messages a.k.a Microposts (e.g. Tweets) have proven to be an effective channel for revealing information about trends and events, ranging from those related to Disaster (e.g. hurricane Sandy) to those related to Violence (e.g. Egyptian revolution). Being informed about such events as they occur could be extremely important to authorities and emergency professionals by allowing such parties to immediately respond. In this work we study the problem of topic classification (TC) of Microposts, which aims to automatically classify short messages based on the subject(s) discussed in them. The accurate TC of Microposts however is a challenging task since the limited number of tokens in a post often implies a lack of sufficient contextual information. In order to provide contextual information to Microposts, we present and evaluate several graph structures surrounding concepts present in linked knowledge sources (KSs). Traditional TC techniques enrich the content of Microposts with features extracted only from the Microposts content. In contrast our approach relies on the generation of different weighted semantic meta-graphs extracted from linked KSs. We introduce a new semantic graph, called category meta-graph. This novel meta-graph provides a more fine grained categorisation of concepts providing a set of novel semantic features. Our findings show that such category meta-graph features effectively improve the performance of a topic classifier of Microposts. Furthermore our goal is also to understand which semantic feature contributes to the performance of a topic classifier. For this reason we propose an approach for automatic estimation of accuracy loss of a topic classifier on new, unseen Microposts. We introduce and evaluate novel topic similarity measures, which capture the similarity between the KS documents and Microposts at a conceptual level, considering the enriched representation of these documents. Extensive evaluation in the context of Emergency Response (ER) and Violence Detection (VD) revealed that our approach outperforms previous approaches using single KS without linked data and Twitter data only up to 31.4% in terms of F1 measure. Our main findings indicate that the new category graph contains useful information for TC and achieves comparable results to previously used semantic graphs. Furthermore our results also indicate that the accuracy of a topic classifier can be accurately predicted using the enhanced text representation, outperforming previous approaches considering content-based similarity measures. © 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Exposing and addressing tobacco industry conduct in low-income and middle-income countries

The tobacco industry's future depends on increasing tobacco use in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs), which face a growing burden of tobacco-related disease, yet have potential to prevent full-scale escalation of this epidemic. To drive up sales the industry markets its products heavily, deliberately targeting non-smokers and keeps prices low until smoking and local economies are sufficiently established to drive prices and profits up. The industry systematically flaunts existing tobacco control legislation and works aggressively to prevent future policies using its resource advantage to present highly misleading economic arguments, rebrand political activities as corporate social responsibility, and establish and use third parties to make its arguments more palatable. Increasingly it is using domestic litigation and international arbitration to bully LMICs from implementing effective policies and hijacking the problem of tobacco smuggling for policy gain, attempting to put itself in control of an illegal trade in which there is overwhelming historical evidence of its complicity. Progress will not be realised until tobacco industry interference is actively addressed as outlined in Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Exemplar LMICs show this action can be achieved and indicate that exposing tobacco industry misconduct is an essential first step.

The Kim Dynasty and North-East Asian security:breaking the cycle of crises?

Purpose—This article considers North Korea and the notion of crisis, by linking historical development over the Korean peninsula to the conflict resolution literature, and investigates why despite a large number of destabilizing events, a war involving Pyongyang has yet to erupt. Design/methodology—This article uses historical data and a framework developed by Aggarwal et al., in order to highlight patterns of interaction between states such as the United States, North Korea and South Korea, organizations such as the United Nations, as well as processes such as the Six- Party Talks and the Agreed Framework. The article then develops a crisis framework based on conflict resolution and negotiation literature, and applies it to three North Korean administrations. Findings—Findings suggest that an open- ended understanding of time (for all parties involved on the peninsula) leads to an impossibility to reach a threshold where full- scale war would be triggered, thus leaving parties in a stable state of crisis for which escalating moves and de- escalating techniques might become irrelevant. Practical implications—It is hoped that this article will help further endeavors linking conflict resolution theoretical frameworks to the Korean peninsula security situation. In the case of the Korean peninsula, time has been understood as open-ended, leading parties to a lingering state of heightened hostilities that oscillates toward war, but that is controlled enough not to reach it. In-depth analysis of particular security sectors such as nuclear energy, food security, or missile testing would prove particularly useful in understanding the complexity of the Korean peninsula situation to a greater extent. It is hoped that this paper will help further endeavours linking conflict resolution theoretical frameworks to the Korean peninsula security situation. Originality/value—This research suggests that regarding the Korean peninsula, time has been understood as open- ended, leading parties to a lingering state of heightened.

Lys9 for Glu9 substitution in glucagon-like peptide-1(7-36)amide confers dipeptidylpeptidase IV resistance with cellular and metabolic actions similar to those of established antagonists glucagon-like peptide-1(9-36)amide and exendin (9-39)

The incretin hormone glucagon-like peptide-1(7-36)amide (GLP-1) has been deemed of considerable importance in the regulation of blood glucose. Its effects, mediated through the regulation of insulin, glucagon, and somatostatin, are glucose-dependent and contribute to the tight control of glucose levels. Much enthusiasm has been assigned to a possible role of GLP-1 in the treatment of type 2 diabetes. GLIP-l's action unfortunately is limited through enzymatic inactivation caused by dipeptidylpeptidase IV (DPP IV). It is now well established that modifying GLP-1 at the N-terminal amino acids, His7 and Ala8, can greatly improve resistance to this enzyme. Little research has assessed what effect Glu9-substitution has on GLP-1 activity and its degradation by DPP IV. Here, we report that the replacement of Glu9 of GLP-1 with Lys dramatically increased resistance to DPP IV. This analogue (Lys9)GLP-1, exhibited a preserved GLP-1 receptor affinity, but the usual stimulatory effects of GLP-1 were completely eliminated, a trait duplicated by the other established GLP-1-antagonists, exendin (9-39) and GLP-1 (9-36)amide. We investigated the in vivo antagonistic actions of (Lys9)GLP-1 in comparison with GLP-1(9-36)amide and exendin (9-39) and revealed that this novel analogue may serve as a functional antagonist of the GLP-1 receptor.

Developing actions to minimise avoidable waste and its challenge to plant safety

Purpose: Considering the UK's limited capacity for waste disposal (particularly for hazardous/radiological waste) there is growing focus on waste avoidance and minimisation to lower the volumes of waste being sent to disposal. The hazardous nature of some waste can complicate its management and reduction. To address this problem there was a need for a decision making methodology to support managers in the nuclear industry as they identify ways to reduce the production of avoidable hazardous waste. The methodology we developed is called Waste And Sourcematter Analysis (WASAN). A methodology that begins the thought process at the pre-waste creation stage (i.e. Avoid). Design/methodology/ approach: The methodology analyses the source of waste, the production of waste inside the facility, the knock on effects from up/downstream facilities on waste production, and the down-selection of waste minimisation actions/options. WASAN has been applied to case studies with licencees and this paper reports on one such case study - the management of plastic bags in Enriched Uranium Residues Recovery Plant (EURRP) at Springfields (UK) where it was used to analyse the generation of radioactive plastic bag waste. Findings: Plastic bags are used in EURRP as a strategy to contain hazard. Double bagging of materials led to the proliferation of these bags as a waste. The paper reports on the philosophy behind WASAN, the application of the methodology to this problem, the results, and views from managers in EURRP. Originality/value: This paper presents WASAN as a novel methodology for analyzing the minimization of avoidable hazardous waste. This addresses an issue that is important to many industries e.g. where legislation enforces waste minimization, where waste disposal costs encourage waste avoidance, or where plant design can reduce waste. The paper forms part of the HSE Nuclear Installations Inspectorate's desire to work towards greater openness and transparency in its work and the development in its thinking.© Crown Copyright 2011.

Political parties and trade unions in the post-communist Poland:class politics that have never a chance to happen

Trade unions in Poland have not built the stable and long-term relations with political parties as are observed in Western democracies. By analysing the historical and symbolic background of the transformation to a democratic civil society and free market economy, political preferences of working class, trade union membership rates, and public opinion polls, we argue that, in case of Poland, the initial links between political parties and trade unions weakened over time. Polish trade unions never had a chance to become a long-term intermediary between society and political parties, making the Polish case study a double exception from the traditional models.