Une histoire du sens:la sémantique linguistique depuis Bréal

Il y a plus d'un siècle, Michel Bréal institua l'analyse du sens dans le langage. À partir de là, le développement de la sémantique repose sur des paradigmes, qui constituent de véritables métaphores de la nature générale du langage. Cet ouvrage montre que, hors des modèles logiques, la sémantique s'est historiquement développée à travers quatre paradigmes. Le sens linguistique relève de la vie mentale des individus pour le paradigme psychologiste qui réunit Bréal, Brunot, Damourette et Pichon, Guillaume et Bally. La nature incertaine de cette vie mentale porte le structuralisme de Saussure, Greimas, Rastier et Wierzbicka à envisager le sens comme dérivant de l'équilibre des oppositions internes à la langue. Les déterminismes de cette organisation sont associés aux conditions de sa mise en oeuvre pour le paradigme de l'énonciation élaboré par Benveniste, Ducrot, Anscombre, Nølke et Culioli. Ils sont pour le cognitivisme de Kleiber, de Cadiot, de Fuchs et pour la Grammaire cognitive dérivés d'un esprit au fonctionnement mécaniste. Permettant de délimiter la forme et l'évolution des paradigmes scientifiques, l'analyse des théories donne à voir l'état actuel de la discipline et les questions qu'elle sera appelée à résoudre.

Représentation, topologie et sémantique linguistique

The different aspects of language are, we know structured by systematic relationships and recent research suggests that the meaning is no exception to this rule. Languages let talking topics to return to their experience of the universe, this reference in is no less the result of the value that characterizes the signs as an integral part of a system of representation. This article contains representations which substantiates the grammatical value of words define in topological terms. This conceptual topology to realise the noun syntax and interpretation. It is therefore suggested that spatialisantes representations intervene as a condition of the Organization referential and structural language sequences.

La guerre des Balkans:élites nationales et discours transnationaux dans la française, allemande et britannique

Cet article repose sur une étude de la presse de lEstablishment en France, en Allemagne et au Royaume-Uni, au cours de la guerre des Balkans en 1999. Les sources sont la Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Le Monde et le Financial Times. Lobjectif est de voir en quoi la manière de rapporter les événements révèle des priorités politiques des diverses élites qui lisent ces journaux, ainsi que de leur perception de lordre international. Le résultat des travaux indique lexistence dun certain degré de synchronisation dans la façon dont la presse a concentré lattention de lopinion publique ; il indique aussi quil existe des différences sensibles entre ces journaux français, allemand et britannique, en termes de contenu et de perspectives. Malgré lexistence dun discours transnational, la sphère publique européenne demeure fragmentée. This article is based on a study of the press in France, Germany and the United Kingdom, during the Balkans war in 1999. The sources are the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Le Monde and the Financial Times. The objectve is to see how report events reveal the priorities of the various political elites who read these newspapers, as well as their perception of international lordre. The outcome of the study indicates some degree of synchronization in the way the press has focused mindfulness of public opinion and that it also indicates there are significant differences between the French newspapers, German and British, in terms of content and perspectives. Despite the existence of a transnational speech, the European public sphere remains fragmented.

War crimes, conditionality and EU integration in the Western Balkans

The baleful legacy of the wars of the 1990s continues to dog the states and societies of the former Yugoslavia and has overshadowed the disappointingly slow and hesitant trajectory of the region towards the EU. At the start of the new millennium, with the removal of key wartime leaders from the political scene in both Croatia and Serbia, it was widely hoped that the region would prove able to ‘leave the past behind’ and rapidly move on to the hopeful new agenda of EU integration. The EU’s Copenhagen criteria, which in 1993 first explicitly set out the basic political conditions expected of aspirant EU Member States, proved effective in the case of the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe in supporting the entrenchment of democratic norms and practices, and stimulating reconciliation and good neighbourly relations among countries with turbulent histories. Building on this experience, the Stabilisation and Association Process, launched for the countries of the Western Balkans in 1999, included both full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and regional reconciliation among the political conditions set for advancing these countries on the path to EU integration. EU political conditionality was intended to support the efforts of new political leaders to redefine national goals away from the nationalist enmities of the past and focus firmly on forging a path to a better future. This Chaillot Paper examines the extent to which this strategy has worked, especially in the light of the difficulties it has encountered in the face of strong resistance to cooperation among sections of the former Yugoslav population, many of whom have not yet fully acknowledged the crimes committed during the 1990s. Key chapters in the volume raise the vital questions of leadership and political will. EU political conditionality does not work unless the EU has a partner ready and willing to ‘play the game’, which presupposes that EU integration has become the overriding priority on the national political agenda.

Ethnic conflict and war crimes in the Balkans:the narratives of denial in post-conflict Serbia

In the years following the fall of Slobodan Milo evic, Serbian social, cultural and political responses to the wars of the 1990s have fallen under intense international scrutiny. But is this scrutiny justfied, and how can these responses be better understood? Jelena Obradovic engages with ideas about post-conflict societies, memory, cultural trauma, and national myths of victimhood and justified war to shed light upon Serbian denial and justification of war crimes - for example, Serbia's reluctant cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Rather than treating denial as a failure to come to terms with the past or as resurgent nationalism, Obradovic argues that the justification of atrocities are often the result of a societal need to understand and incorporate violent events within culturally acceptable boundaries.

La politique linguistique et l'avenir du Francais au Mexique:etude du cas de l'universite de Veracruz

In a linguistic context where it seems the entire world is only interested in learning English, it is worth considering the idea of whether French still has a place in Mexico. In spite of the predominance of English, there is nevertheless a feeling that French remains alive in Mexico, and indeed in certain areas has retained its strength and appeal. This hypothesis was to put to the test by exploring the current linguistic environment prevalent in the state of Veracruz. An investigation in the form of questionnaires and interviews of all those connected to the teaching of French (including students, teachers and employees and directors of language schools) shows that the desire of the Mexican government of promoting English for everyone is not necessarily consistent with the desire and expectations of the general populace. This in turn suggest the need of adopting a policy that enables us not only to take into consideration what people seem to be telling us regarding the learning of foreign learning but also of what they are not telling us. If the teaching and learning of French as a foreign language remains strong in Veracruz, it is explained much more by the long and friendly relationship that people in the state have had with French people (and their culture) than it is by any instrumental needs of learning their language. This is seen in the fact that students here consistently describe their motivation for learning French from an emotional or affective standpoint rather than from professional one. It seems that the ties between the Mexican and French people remain solid. Another interesting characteristic of students of French in Veracruz is the positive attitude they seem to have regarding languages in general, which in turn enables them to take further advantage of the benefits made available from globalization. In reality, there exists no rivalry between French and English and therefore it is unnecessary to adopt measures that would address such struggle. It is however a matter of great urgency that authorities in the arenas of politics and academia take a closer look at the policies they design regarding the study of foreign languages in general, and that they consider, specifically, a wholly alternative to the one language model of teaching and learning of foreign language – in this case English-, a model that for all intents and purposes has failed. In the midst of a globalized world, and during this current period of increased linguistic activity, the aforementioned assertions serve not only to support my initial hypothesis, but also to help shake off the dust of some out-dated belief systems and lay down the framework for a new, better informed and well thought-out policy of foreign languages planning.

Un phénix linguistique? Le tour narratif va + infinitif renaîtrait-il, en français contemporain, de ses cendres médiévales?

Les études typologiques (Hagège 1993, Bybee et al.1994, Dahl 2000, Bourdin 2008 notamment) ont montré de façon consistante que les indications spatiales (notamment les verbes de mouvement) tendaient à se grammaticaliser en expressions temporelles. La forme itive (en français aller) dans les langues romanes a fait l’objet de ce processus linguistique , et avec succès, puisque, en tant qu’auxiliaire d’un verbe à l’infinitif ou au participe présent (et moins fréquemment au participe passé), elle est à même d’offrir, au cours de son histoire, pas moins de onze emplois grammaticalisés (Bres et Labeau à paraître). Nous nous intéresserons dans cet article, qui ne portera que sur le français, à l’emploi que nous nommerons, avec Larreya (2005) et Lansari (2009), narratif: il apparaît en textualité narrative, dont les propositions du premier plan sont régies par la relation de progression (Labov 1972/1978). Cet emploi que le français a connu jusqu’au début du XVIIème (1) tend, sur des bases peut-être différentes, à se répandre aujourd’hui (2): (1) Sur ces propos, feirent leur accord, et, en regardant le lieu le plus propre pour faire ceste belle oeuvre, elle vat dire qu'elle n'en sçavoit poinct de meilleure ne plus loing de tout soupson, que une petite maison qui estoit dedans le parc, où il y avoit chambre et lict tout à propos. Le gentil homme, qui n'eust trouvé nul lieu mauvais, se contenta de cestuy-là. (Navarre M. de, L'Heptaméron, 1550) (2) (…) Teddy Pendergrass est remarqué par Harold Melvin, leader du quintette vocal The Blue Notes. Il rejoint alors la formation, qui va enchaîner une succession de tubes. En 1976, Teddy Pendergrass décide de mener une carrière solo et quitte les Blue Notes . Il va régulièrement occuper les premières places des meilleures ventes de disques aux USA. (Le Monde, Obituaire de T. Pendergrass, 27 .1. 2010)

Europeanization from below:the formation of gender equality policies in the Western Balkans

The article argues that, compared with the other countries in the Western Balkans, the Europeanization of gender equality policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents an interesting case of "Europeanization from below". It was not the EU, which called for the introduction of gender equality policies in the Stabilization and Association Process, but domestic policy entrepreneurs, who constructed a "shadow of membership conditionality". They framed their requests as element of the accession process tapping into the aspiration of policy-makers to joining the EU. The case illustrates that Europeanization matters in the Western Balkans, not only in terms of a direct influence of the EU but also because it provides opportunities for domestic policy entrepreneurs to further European objectives themselves.