20 resultados para International Typographical Union.

em Aston University Research Archive


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We developed an alternative approach for measuring information and communication technology (ICT), applying Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) using data from the International Telecommunications Union as a sample of 183 economies. We compared the ICT-Opportunity Index (ICT-OI) with our DEA-Opportunity Index (DEA-OI) and found a high correlation between the two. Our findings suggest that both indices are consistent in their measurement of digital opportunity, though differences still exist in different regions. Our new DEA-OI offers much more than the ICT-OI. Using our model, the target and peer groups for each country can be identified.

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The measurement of different aspects of information society has been problematic over along time, and the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) is spearheading in developing a single ICT index. In Geneva during the first World Summit on Information Society (WSIS) in December 2003, the heads of states declared their commitment to the importance of benchmarking and measuring progress toward the information society. Consequently, they re-affirmed their Geneva commitments in their second summit held in Tunis in 2005. In this paper, we propose a multiplicative linear programming model to measure Opportunity Index. We also compared our results with the common measure of ICT opportunity index and we found that the two indices are consistent in their measurement of digital opportunity though differences still exist among regions.

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We experimentally demonstrate a Raman fiber laser based on multiple point-action fiber Bragg grating reflectors and distributed feedback via Rayleigh scattering in an ∼22-km-long optical fiber. Twenty-two lasing lines with spacing of ∼100 GHz (close to International Telecommunication Union grid) in the C band are generated at the watt level. In contrast to the normal cavity with competition between laser lines, the random distributed feedback cavity exhibits highly stable multiwavelength generation with a power-equalized uniform distribution, which is almost independent on power. © 2011 Optical Society of America.

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Historically, calcitonin gene-related peptide (CGRP) receptors have been divided into two classes, CGRP(1) and CGRP(2).After the cloning of calcitonin receptor-like receptor (CLR) and receptor activity-modifying proteins (RAMPs), it became clear that the CGRP(1) receptor was a complex between CLR and RAMP1. It is now apparent that the CGRP(2) receptor phenotype is the result of CGRP acting at receptors for amylin and adrenomedullin. Accordingly, the term "CGRP(2)" receptor should no longer be used, and the "CGRP(1)" receptor should be known as the "CGRP" receptor.

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The calcitonin family of peptides comprises calcitonin, amylin two calcitonin gene-related peptides (CGRPs), and adrenomedullin. The first calcitonin receptor was cloned in 1991. Its pharmacology is complicated by the existence of several splice variants. The receptors for the other members the family are made up of subunits. The calcitonin-like receptor (CL receptor) requires a single transmembrane domain protein, termed receptor activity modifying protein, RAMP1, to function as a CGRP receptor. RAMP2 and -3 enable the same CL receptor to behave as an adrenomedullin receptor. Although the calcitonin receptor does not require RAMP to bind and respond to calcitonin, it can associate with the RAMPs, resulting in a series of receptors that typically have high affinity for amylin and varied affinity for CGRP. This review aims to reconcile what is observed when the receptors are reconstituted in vitro with the properties they show in native cells and tissues. Experimental conditions must be rigorously controlled because different degrees of protein expression may markedly modify pharmacology in such a complex situation. Recommendations, which follow International Union of Pharmacology guidelines, are made for the nomenclature of these multimeric receptors.

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This thesis examines relations between the French Confederation Generale du Travail (CGT) and the labour movements of other countries in the years leading up to the First World War. The aim of the study is to examine the CGT's policy of internationalism in practice, both in relations with other labour movements and in its membership of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (between 1900 and 1914). In particular, the relationship between the French and German labour movements is explored in the light of the events of August 1914. This study shows that the relationship was a reflection of the respective positions of the French and German labour movements in the international movement. It also subjects to close scrutiny the assumption, widely made before 1914, that workers had more in common with each other than with the ruling classes of their own country, by analysing the extent of, and the reasons for internationalism and international cooperation in the labour movement. As a study of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, an organisation about which very little has previously been written, this thesis complements existing work on the international labour movement prior to 1914. It also provides new insights into the French CGT by concentrating on the fundamental areas of internationalism and opposition to war, and offers fresh contributions to the continuing debate on the international labour movement and its response to the outbreak of war.

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EU enlargement - to countries in Central and Eastern Europe in 2004, the inclusion of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, and increasing debates on Turkey’s membership - has dramatically transformed the European Union into a multi-religious space. Religious communities are not only shaping identities but are also influential factors in political discourse. This edited volume examines the activities of religious actors in the context of supranational European institutions and the ways in which they have responded to the idea of Europe at local and international levels. By bringing together scholars working in political science, history, law and sociology, this volume analyses key religious factors in contemporary EU architecture, such as the transformation of religious identities, the role of political and religious leaders, EU legislation on religion, and, the activities of religious lobbies. This book was published as a special issue of Religion, State and Society.

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Guest editors' introduction

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This paper examines the ways in which religion has played a part in the process of European integration. By exploring the position of religious communities towards the European Community since the 1950s until today, it argues that the place of religion has been influenced by the theoretical debates on European integration, namely neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism. It suggests that, since 1992, the European Union has adopted a neofunctionalist approach towards religious communities, in contrast with the dominant intergovernmentalist integration process between EU member-states. The analysis of religion in relation to this theoretical dispute raises questions about the nature of the European Union and the adaptation of religious communities to supranational institutions.

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EU enlargement - to countries in Central and Eastern Europe in 2004, the inclusion of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, and increasing debates on Turkey’s membership - has dramatically transformed the European Union into a multi-religious space. Religious communities are not only shaping identities but are also influential factors in political discourse. This edited volume examines the activities of religious actors in the context of supranational European institutions and the ways in which they have responded to the idea of Europe at local and international levels. By bringing together scholars working in political science, history, law and sociology, this volume analyses key religious factors in contemporary EU architecture, such as the transformation of religious identities, the role of political and religious leaders, EU legislation on religion, and, the activities of religious lobbies.

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The role of the European Union in global politics has been of growing interest over the past decade. The EU is a key player in global institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO) and NATO. It continues to construct an emerging identity and project its values and interests throughout contemporary international relations. The capacity of the EU to both formulate and realise its goals, however, remains contested. Some scholars claim the EU’s `soft power’ attitude rivals that of the USA’s `hard power’ approach to international relations. Others view the EU as insufficiently able to produce a co-ordinated position to project upon global politics. Regardless of the position taken within this debate, the EU’s relationship with its external partners has an increasingly important impact upon economic, political and security concerns on an international level. Trade negotiations, military interventions, democracy promotion, international development and responses to the global economic crisis have all witnessed the EU playing a central role. This has seen the EU become both a major force in contemporary institutions of global governance and a template for supranational governance that might influence other attempts to construct regional and global institutions. This volume brings together a collection of leading EU scholars to provide a state-of-the-art overview covering these and other debates relating to the EU’s role in contemporary global governance. The Handbook is divided into four main sections: Part I: European studies and global governance – provides an overview and critical assessment of the leading theoretical approaches through which the EU’s role in global governance has been addressed within the literature. Part II: Institutions – examines the role played by the key EU institutions in pursuing a role for the EU in contemporary international relations. Part III: Policy and issue areas – explores developments within particular policy sectors, assessing the different impact that the EU has had in different issue areas, including foreign and security policy, environmental policy, common commercial policy, the Common Agricultural Policy, development policy, accession policy, the Neighbourhood Policy and conflict transformation. Part IV: The global multilevel governance complex and the EU – focuses on the relationship between the EU and the institutions, regions and countries with which it forms a global multilevel governance complex, including chapters on the EU’s relationship with the WTO, United Nations, East Asia, Africa and the USA.

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Religious actors are becoming part of the EU bureaucratic system, and their mobilisation in Brussels and Strasbourg in the last decade has increased dramatically. This book explores the mechanism and impact of religious representation by examining relations between religious practitioners and politicians in the European Union from the Second World War until today. This book seeks to answer the following questions: How do (trans)national religious groups enter into contact with European institutions? What are the rationale and the mechanisms of religious representation in the European Union? How are religious values transposed into political strategies? What impact has relations between religious practitioners, EU officials and politicians on the construction of the European Union? Examining religious representation at the state, transnational and institutional levels, this volume demonstrates that ‘faith’ is becoming an increasingly important element of the decision-making process. It includes chapters written by both academics and religious practitioners in dialogue with European institutions and will be of great interest to students and scholars of European politics, history, sociology of religion, law and international relations.

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Germany has traditionally played a key role in promoting European Union solutions to domestic policy problems. In doing so it gained a reputation as a 'tamed power' (Katzenstein). This article reviews Germany's diplomacy two decades after unification. It explores the 'tamed power' hypothesis with reference to three policy areas: constitutional reform in the EU; Justice and Home Affairs policy; and an issue that has made German European policy very salient of late, the management of the Eurozone. The article argues that Germany has become a much less inclusive actor in European policy, pursuing policy solutions through 'pioneer groups' where these offer greater promise than the EU itself and becoming increasingly attentive to domestic political constraints. The article argues that Germany has become a normalized power, with significant implications for the EU. © 2010 The Author(s). International Affairs © 2010 The Royal Institute of International Affairs.