16 resultados para Historical and Cultural Theory

em Aston University Research Archive


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This article contributes to the body of the developing theoretical research in leadership and presidential studies by adding analysis of what I have termed ‘comportmental style’ as a factor in leader/follower relations. Within institutionalism and the wider structure/agency debate in political science, one of the challenges as regards the study of leadership is to identify factors that offer scope to or else militate against leaders’ performance. The comportmental style of Nicolas Sarkozy (President of the French Republic 2007–2012), deployed in the context of the – changing – institution of the presidency, was a major factor in his extreme unpopularity, and contributed to his defeat in 2012. What this tells us about the nature of the changing French presidency and the role of style will be discussed in the conclusion.

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If history matters for organization theory, then we need greater reflexivity regarding the epistemological problem of representing the past; otherwise, history might be seen as merely a repository of ready-made data. To facilitate this reflexivity, we set out three epistemological dualisms derived from historical theory to explain the relationship between history and organization theory: (1) in the dualism of explanation, historians are preoccupied with narrative construction, whereas organization theorists subordinate narrative to analysis; (2) in the dualism of evidence, historians use verifiable documentary sources, whereas organization theorists prefer constructed data; and (3) in the dualism of temporality, historians construct their own periodization, whereas organization theorists treat time as constant for chronology. These three dualisms underpin our explication of four alternative research strategies for organizational history: corporate history, consisting of a holistic, objectivist narrative of a corporate entity; analytically structured history, narrating theoretically conceptualized structures and events; serial history, using replicable techniques to analyze repeatable facts; and ethnographic history, reading documentary sources "against the grain." Ultimately, we argue that our epistemological dualisms will enable organization theorists to justify their theoretical stance in relation to a range of strategies in organizational history, including narratives constructed from documentary sources found in organizational archives. Copyright of the Academy of Management, all rights reserved.

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Theory suggests that people fear the unknown and no matter how experienced one is, the feelings of anxiety and uncertainty, if not managed well would affect how we view ourselves and how others view us. Hence, it is in human nature to engage in activities to help decipher behaviours that seem contrary to their beliefs and hinder the smooth-flowing of their work and daily activities. Building on these arguments, this research investigates the two types of support that are provided by multinational corporations (MNCs) and host country nationals (HCNs) to the expatriates and their family members whilst on international assignments in Malaysia as antecedents to their adjustment and performance in the host country. To complement the support provided, cultural intelligence (CQ) is investigated to explain the influence of cultural elements in facilitating adjustment and performance of the relocating families, especially to socially integrate into the host country. This research aims to investigate the influence of support and CQ on the adjustment and performance of expatriates in Malaysia. Path analyses are used to test the hypothesised relationships. The findings substantiate the pivotal roles that MNCs and HCNs play in helping the expatriates and their families acclimatise to the host country. This corroborates the norm of reciprocity where assistance or support rendered especially at the times when they were crucially needed would be reciprocated with positive behaviour deemed of equal value. Additionally, CQ is significantly positive in enhancing adjustment to the host country, which highlights the vital role that cultural awareness and knowledge play in enhancing effective intercultural communication and better execution of contextual performance. The research highlights the interdependence of the expatriates? multiple stakeholders (i.e. MNCs, HCNs, family members) in supporting the expatriates whilst on assignments. Finally, the findings reveal that the expatriate families do influence how the locals view the families and would be a great asset in initiating future communication between the expatriates and HCNs. The research contributes to the fields of intercultural adjustment and communication and also has key messages for policy makers.

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The Gaullist settlement of 1958 reconfigured the political institutions of France, introducing into the republican mainstream a new form of leadership politics. Adapting the literature on political opportunity structure (POS) theory, and using the French left as a case study, can help us understand how political parties, ideology and leadership adapt to political institutions and norms. It also illuminates what the consequences are of such adaptation in the contemporary period, particularly as regards the institutionally bound roles of political 'character', protocol and discourse. The paper appraises the relevance and appropriateness of POS theory to leadership politics in France.

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We study the role of political accountability as a determinant of corruption and economic growth. Our model identifies two governance regimes defined by the quality of political institutions and shows that the relationship between corruption and growth is regime specific. We use a threshold model to estimate the impact of corruption on growth where corruption is treated as an endogenous variable. We find two governance regimes, conditional on the quality of political institutions. In the regime with high quality political institutions, corruption has a substantial negative impact on growth. In the regime with low quality institutions, corruption has no impact on growth.

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This book is the first to focus specifically upon the relationship between refugees and intercultural transfer over an extensive period of time. Since circa 1830, a series of groups have made their way to Britain, beginning with exiles from the failed European revolutions of the mid-nineteenth century and ending with refugees who have increasingly come from beyond Europe. The book addresses four specific questions. First, what roles have individuals or groups of refugees played in cultural and political transfers to Britain since 1830? Second, can we identify a novel form of cultural production which differs from that in the homeland? Third, to what extent has dissemination within and transformation of the receiving culture occurred? Fourth, to what extent do refugee groups, themselves, undergo a process of cultural restructuring? The coverage of the individual essays ranges from high culture, through politics and everyday practices. The volume moves away from general perceptions of refugees as ‘problem groups’ and rather focuses on the way they have shaped, and indeed enriched, British cultural and political life. This book was previously published as a special issue of Immigrants and Minorities.

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This study investigated the moderating role of national culture in the relationship between attachment orientations and employee perceptions of interpersonal justice. Three hundred and forty individuals from countries categorized (by GLOBE) as either low collectivistic ‘Anglo’ (e.g. UK, Australia, US; N = 205) or high collectivistic ‘South Asian’ (e.g. India, Malaysia, Indonesia; N = 135), responded to an online questionnaire. Attachment anxiety and avoidance were negatively related to perceptions of interpersonal justice, as expected, but against expectations the direct relationship between attachment orientations and interpersonal justice did not differ between cultures. However, supplementary analysis revealed a significant 3-way interaction. When attachment anxiety was high, avoidance was a stronger predictor of interpersonal justice perceptions but the direction of this association differed by culture. The findings suggest the importance of fit between employee attachment orientations and cultural relational values in the workplace. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.

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TEST is a novel taxonomy of knowledge representations based on three distinct hierarchically organized representational features: Tropism, Embodiment, and Situatedness. Tropic representational features reflect constraints of the physical world on the agent's ability to form, reactivate, and enrich embodied (i.e., resulting from the agent's bodily constraints) conceptual representations embedded in situated contexts. The proposed hierarchy entails that representations can, in principle, have tropic features without necessarily having situated and/or embodied features. On the other hand, representations that are situated and/or embodied are likely to be simultaneously tropic. Hence, although we propose tropism as the most general term, the hierarchical relationship between embodiment and situatedness is more on a par, such that the dominance of one component over the other relies on the distinction between offline storage versus online generation as well as on representation-specific properties. © 2013 Cognitive Science Society, Inc.

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This introduction has four purposes. It first of all gives a working definition of the refugee. It then outlines the main groups of refugees which have moved to Britain since the early modern period, focusing, more particularly, upon the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, which form the main focus of this volume. The article then introduces the reader to concepts of cultural transfer, especially as applied to migration and refugees, as well as outlining the main issues under consideration in the British case study, which forms the basis of this volume. Finally, the study introduces the main essays which follow and explains the structure adopted. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

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Orthodox depictions of a fraught labour–environmental relationship privileging class, ideological and programmatic differences are problematised by newly quantified evidence of British unions' pro-environmental policy-making since 1967. The following narrative blends widely accepted accounts of the fortunes of both movements with an evaluation of Britain's shifting political opportunity structure and coalition theory to identify an alternative range of constraints and opportunities influencing the propensity and capacity of both movements to interact effectively, culminating recently in unions' emergence as environmental actors in their own right.

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This study deals with the question of how German members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent the German model of religion–state relations at the European level. Based on a survey and interviews with German MEPs as well as a content-analysis of German MEPs’ speeches, motions and parliamentary questions during the seventh term of the European Parliament (EP), our study demonstrates that this model is represented in three dimensions. First, German MEPs reflect the close cooperation between the churches and the state in Germany, primarily on social issues, through largely church- and religion-friendly attitudes and relatively frequent contacts with religious interest-groups. Second, by referring to religious freedoms and minorities primarily outside the EU and by placing Islam in considerably more critical contexts than Christianity, German MEPs create a cultural demarcation line between Islam and Christianity through their parliamentary activities, which is similar to, though less politicised than, cultural boundaries often produced in public debates in Germany. Third, our study illustrates similar patterns of religious affiliation and subjective religiosity among German parliamentarians in both the EP and the national Parliament, which to some degree also reflect societal trends in Germany. Yet our data also suggest that European political elites are more religious than the average German population. If the presence of religion in terms of religious interest-groups and arguments is included, the EP appears to be more secularist than the German Parliament.