Il était une fois un match de foot:L'événement sportif comme objet de narration

L’analyse des temps de la narration n’est pas chose nouvelle. Souvent, ce sont les narrations orales ‘de tous les jours’ qui ont préoccupé les linguistes (Labov & Waletzky 1967, Bres 1994). Mais qu’en est-il de l’usage des temps dans les narrations écrites telles qu’on les trouve dans la presse sportive? On se fondera ici sur un corpus d’articles du 1er juillet 2002, tirés de la presse francophone (parisienne, régionale, belge et algérienne) et consacrés à la finale de la Coupe du Monde de football (Labeau 2002b). A quels temps a-t-on recours pour narrer ces exploits sportifs ? Le passé simple a-t-il toujours sa place dans ce genre « épique », ou s’est-il vu supplanter par d’autres formes telles le passé composé, le présent ou l’imparfait de narration… ? (Engel 1990) Nous allons nous concentrer sur deux aspects de l’emploi des temps. D’une part, la presse sportive constitue-t-elle un sous-genre distinct ? D’autre part, des différences régionales apparaissent-elles ? Nous tenterons de voir si les approches textuelles se reflètent dans l’emploi des temps des narrations étudiées. Termes clefs Narration - presse sportive – temps - presse régionale – presse francophone - genre

Le Passé simple est-il toujours en course? Enquête sur la position du PS dans le peloton des temps du reportage cycliste

Cellard (1979) avait avancé que le reportage sportif constituait un bastion du passé simple (PS). Cette affirmation, non étayée par une étude de corpus, semblait trouver un écho dans les études de la presse écrite des années 80-90 (Herzog 1981, Engel 1990). Toutefois, des études récentes consacrées exclusivement au reportage sportif remettent en cause cette prétendue suprématie dans les comptes rendus de la finale de la Coupe du Monde 2002 offerts par la presse francophone (Engel & Labeau 2003) même si des variations régionales (plus grande proportion de PS en périphérie qu’au centre parisien - Labeau 2002) et diachroniques (déclin du PS depuis 1950 – Labeau 2003) semblent se manifester. La présente étude se propose de poursuivre et de raffiner l’analyse de l’emploi du PS dans le compte rendu sportif en sollicitant de nouvelles variables. D’abord, le choix du corpus permettra d’approfondir des hypothèses évoquées dans les articles ci-dessous. Notre corpus sera constitué de la couverture du Tour d’Italie 2004 dans L’Equipe et La Dernière Heure / Les Sports. Le cyclisme se distingue du football par plusieurs aspects, parmi lesquels on peut noter sa linéarité : une course cycliste n’est pas un match joué dans un espace clos, délimité, mais consiste à effectuer un parcours linéaire aussi vite que possible. Cette linéarité pourrait s’avérer favorable au PS (Vetters 2003, Bres 2003). Contrairement aux événements sportifs étudiés précédemment, le Tour d’Italie ne bénéficie pas d’une couverture télévisuelle importante en France, un facteur susceptible d’influencer le compte rendu écrit (Labeau 2003) ; contrairement à ce qui se passe pour les finales de Coupe du Monde, le journaliste ne peut assumer que le lecteur connaît déjà les résultats de l’épreuve. Le corpus étudié ici se veut aussi plus complet : on travaillera sur l’ensemble des articles, en version papier, consacrés au Giro plutôt que sur une sélection d’articles en ligne. Cette prise en compte pourrait mettre en lumière des variations de genre. Un autre intérêt du présent corpus est qu’il illustre les pratiques de la presse sportive plutôt que celles des pages sportives des quotidiens « généralistes » : L’Equipe est l’hebdomadaire français de référence et la DH offre la couverture la plus complète en Belgique francophone. La comparaison des deux publications nous permettra donc de tester d’éventuelles variations régionales. Ainsi, par un corpus spécifiquement sportif et élargi, nous contribuerons à évaluer plus exactement la position réelle du PS dans la presse sportive contemporaine.

Margetinggeschichte:Die Genese einer modernen Sozialtechnik, Hartmut Berghoff

Book revew: Marketinggeschichte: die Genese einer modernen Sozialtechnik [Marketing history: The genesis of a modern social technique], edited by Hartmut Berghoff, Frankfurt/Main, Campus Verlag, 2007, 409 pp., illus., [euro]30.00 (paperback), ISBN 978-3-593-38323-1. This edited volume is the result of a workshop at Göttingen University in 2006 and combines a number of different approaches to the research into the history of marketing in Germany's economy and society. The majority of contributions loosely focus around the occurrence of a ‘marketing revolution’ in the 1970s, which ties in with interpretations of the Americanisation of German business. This revolution replaced the indigenous German idea of Absatzwirtschaft (the economics of sales) with the American-influenced idea of Marketing, which was less functionally oriented and more strategic, and which aimed to connect processes within the firm in order to allow a greater focus on the consumer. The entire volume is framed by Hartmut Berghoff's substantial and informative introduction, which introduces a number of actors and trends beyond the content of the volume. Throughout the various contributions, authors provide explanations of the timing and nature of marketing revolutions. Alexander Engel identifies an earlier revolution in the marketing of dyes, which undergoes major change with the emergence of chemical dyes. While the natural dyestuff had been a commodity, with producers removed from consumers via a global network of traders, chemical dyes were products and were branded at an early stage. This was a fundamental change in the nature of production and sales. As Roman Rossfeld shows in his contribution on the Swiss chocolate industry (which focuses almost exclusively on Suchard), even companies that produced non-essential consumer goods which had always required some measure of labelling grappled for years with the need to develop fewer and higher impact brands, as well as an efficient sales operation. A good example for the classical ‘marketing revolution’ of the 1970s is the German automobile industry. Ingo Köhler convincingly argues that the crisis situation of German car manufacturers – the change from a seller's to a buyer's market, appreciation of the German mark which undermines exports, the oil crises coupled with higher inflation and greater frugality of consumers and the emergence of new competitors – lead companies to refocus from production to the demands of the consumer. While he highlights the role of Ford in responding most rapidly to these problems, he does not address whether the multinational was potentially transferring American knowledge to the German market. Similarly, Paul Erker illustrates that a marketing revolution in transport and logistics happened much later, because the market remained highly regulated until the 1980s. Both Paul Erker and Uwe Spiekermann in their contribution, present comparisons of two different sectors or companies (the tire manufacturer Continental and the logistics company Dachser, and agriculture and trade, respectively). In both cases, however, it remains unclear why these examples were chosen for comparison, as both seem to have little in common and are not always effectively used to demonstrate differences. The weakest section of the book is the development of marketing as an academic discipline. The attempt at sketching the phases in the evolution of marketing as an academic discipline by Ursula Hansen and Matthias Bode opens with an undergraduate-level explanation on the methodology of historical periodisation that seems extraneous. Considerably stronger is the section on the wider societal impact of marketing, and Anja Kruke shows how the new techniques of opinion research was accepted by politics and business – surprisingly more readily by politicians than their commercial counterparts. In terms of contemporary personalities, Hans Domizlaff emerges as one fascinating figure of German marketing history, which several contributors refer to and whose career as the German cigarette manufacturer Reemtsma is critically analysed by Tino Jacobs. Domizlaff was Germany's own ‘marketing guru’, whose successful campaigns led to the wide-ranging reception of his ideas about the nature of good branding and marketing. These are variously described as intuitive, elitist, and sachlich, a German concept of a sober, fact-based, and ‘no frills’ approach. Domizlaff did not believe in market research. Rather, he saw the genius of the individual advertiser as key to intuitively ascertaining the people's moods, wishes, and desires. This seems to have made him peculiarly suited to the tastes of the German middle class, according to Thomas Mergel's contribution on the nature of political marketing in the republic. Especially in politics, any form of hard sales tactics were severely frowned upon and considered to demean the citizen as incapable of making an informed choice, a mentality that he dates back to the traditions of nineteenth-century liberalism. Part of this disdain of ‘selling politics like toothpaste’ was also founded on the highly effective use of branding by the National Socialists, who identified their party through the use of an increasingly standardised image of Adolf Hitler and the swastika. Alexander Schug extends on previous research that criticised the simplistic notion of Hitler's charisma as the only explanation of the popular success and distances his approach from those who see it in terms of propaganda and demagogy. He argues that the NSDAP used the tools of advertising and branding precisely because they had to introduce their new ideology into a political marketplace dominated by more established parties. In this they were undoubtedly successful, more so than they intended: as bakers sold swastika cookies and butchers formed Führer heads out of lard, the NSDAP sought to regain control over the now effectively iconic images that constituted their brand, which was in danger of being trivialised and devalued. Key to understanding the history of marketing in Germany is on the one hand the exchange of ideas with the United States, and on the other the impact of national-socialist policies, and the question whether they were a force of modernisation or retardation. The general argument in the volume appears to favour the latter explanation. In the 1930s, some of the leading marketing experts emigrated to the USA, leaving German academia and business isolated. The aftermath of the Second World War left a country that needed to increase production to satisfy consumer demand, and there was little interest in advanced sales techniques. Although the Nazis were progressive in applying new marketing methods to their political campaign, this retarded the adoption of sales techniques in politics for a long time. Germany saw the development of idiosyncratic approaches by people like Domizlaff in the 1930s and 1940s, when it lost some leading thinkers, and only engaged with American marketing conceptions in the 1960s and 1970s, when consumers eventually became more important than producers.