11 resultados para Diaspora sud-asiatique

em Aston University Research Archive


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Berceau du football en Afrique, l’Afrique du Sud a largement contribué à son internationalisation. L’article décrypte la formalisation et la structuration du football sud-africain autour de réseaux politiques et industriels de l’empire victorien. À la fin du XIXe siècle, cinq ans avant même la création officielle de la FIFA, les équipes africaines sont les toutes premières à traverser les mers pour jouer en Europe et en Amérique du Sud. Ces tournées constituent les prémices du football planétaire. As the birthplace of African football, South Africa has greatly helped to give it an international dimension. This paper interprets the way in which South African football was formalised and structured around the political and industrial networks of the Victorian Empire. At the end of the 19th century, five years even before the FIFA was officially created, African teams were the first to go overseas to play in Europe and South America. These tours were the first steps towards the sport’s global dimension.

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La France est présente dans le Pacifique Sud depuis le milieu du XIXème siècle, mais ce n’est qu’à partir des années 1970 que ses relations avec les États de la région ont connu de grands bouleversements. Le territoire ainsi que la stratégie nucléaire, facteurs de puissance pour la France, sont devenus les fondements de la contestation régionale, exprimée par l’opposition au développement des activités nucléaires en Polynésie française et par le soutien au mouvement indépendantiste kanak en Nouvelle-Calédonie. Cependant au-delà d’une apparente cohésion, cette contestation a révélé des enjeux régionaux divers voire diviseurs notamment parmi les jeunes États mélanésiens. Un rapprochement s’est pourtant opéré à partir de 1989 entre les États du Pacifique Sud et la France. Celle-ci a développé deux types d’actions, les unes relevant de politiques essentiellement nationales ou territoriales, les autres de politique extérieure, et toutes généralement conduites ou initiées par de fortes personnalités politiques. Les États du Pacifique Sud ont accueilli ces initiatives de façon d’autant plus positive que certains se sont retrouvés confrontés aux aléas de leur relativement récente indépendance. La présence française semble désormais devenue un atout pour le Pacifique Sud.

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This article examines the close connection between Protestantism and nationalism in Imperial Germany within a transnational context. In the years before 1914, the Prussian State Church in particular strengthened the legal and organisational framework for an increasing number of diaspora congregations to become attached. These acted as an important vehicle to embed the nationalist rhetoric produced within the Reich into emigrants' notions of belonging. Whilst previous scholarship has noted this connection in general, the article sheds more detailed light on the mechanics and structure, but also on the limits, of this process. Feedback processes from periphery to centre, in turn, had an impact on German national identity construction as that of a nation that was not confined to state borders. Applying a constructionist theoretical framework, the contested question of whether the heterogeneity of Germans abroad allows for the application of the diaspora concept is answered affirmatively.

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Accounts of Tamil long-distance nationalism have focused on Sri Lankan Tamil migrants. But the UK is also home to Tamils of non-Sri Lankan state origins. While these migrants may be nominally incorporated into a 'Tamil diaspora', they are seldom present in scholarly accounts. Framed by Werbner's (2002) conception of diasporas as 'aesthetic' and 'moral' communities, this article explores whether engagement with a Tamil diaspora and long-distance nationalism is expressed by Tamil migrants of diverse state origins. While migrants identify with an aesthetic community, 'membership' of the moral community is contested between those who hold direct experience of suffering as central to belonging, and those who imagine the boundaries of belonging more fluidly - based upon primordial understandings of essential ethnicity and a narrative of Tamil 'victimhood' that incorporates experiences of being Tamil in Sri Lanka, India and in other sites, despite obvious differences in these experiences. © 2013 Taylor & Francis.

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This book takes on a global perspective to unravel the complex relationship between Imperial Germany and its diaspora. Around 1900, German-speakers living abroad were tied into global power-political aspirations. They were represented as outposts of a "Greater German Empire" whose ethnic links had to be preserved for their own and the fatherland’s benefits. Did these ideas fall on fertile ground abroad? In the light of extreme social, political, and religious heterogeneity, diaspora construction did not redeem the all-encompassing fantasies of its engineers. But it certainly was at work, as nationalism "went global" in many German ethnic communities. Three thematic areas are taken as examples to illustrate the emergence of globally operating organizations and communication flows: Politics and the navy issue, Protestantism, and German schools abroad as "bulwarks of language preservation." The public negotiation of these issues is explored for localities as diverse as Shanghai, Cape Town, Blumenau in Brazil, Melbourne, Glasgow, the Upper Midwest in the United States, and the Volga Basin in Russia. The mobilisation of ethno-national diasporas is also a feature of modern-day globalization. The theoretical ramifications analysed in the book are as poignant today as they were for the nineteenth century.

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This chapter employs Pnina Werbner's notion of diasporas as moral communities of suffering and co-responsibility, as well as aesthetic communities of shared transnational consumption of culture and performance of ritual, and relates this to the case of Tamil migrants of diverse state origins in Britain. Sri Lankan Tamil migrants I interviewed towards my research imagine membership of a Tamil diaspora as based on personal (or familial) experiences of suffering in the Sri Lankan civil war, which acts both to create bonds with other Sri Lankan Tamils, and to distinguish from Tamils of other state origins (Indian, Singaporean etc.) despite cultural commonalities (Werbner's aesthetic diaspora). Conversely, many of the non-Sri Lankan Tamil migrants I interviewed imagined these boundaries in more flexible terms, and claimed membership of the 'community of suffering' in ways which did not necessitate personal experience, but rather privileged symbolic constructions of the ethnic community, and an interpretation of historical and current events in India, Sri Lanka (and other sites of Tamil population) as components of a single narrative of Tamil victimhood.