7 resultados para Deficit financeiro

em Aston University Research Archive


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Frith has argued that people with autism show “weak central coherence,” an unusual bias toward piecemeal rather than configurational processing and a reduction in the normal tendency to process information in context. However, the precise cognitive and neurological mechanisms underlying weak central coherence are still unknown. We propose the hypothesis that the features of autism associated with weak central coherence result from a reduction in the integration of specialized local neural networks in the brain caused by a deficit in temporal binding. The visuoperceptual anomalies associated with weak central coherence may be attributed to a reduction in synchronization of high-frequency gamma activity between local networks processing local features. The failure to utilize context in language processing in autism can be explained in similar terms. Temporal binding deficits could also contribute to executive dysfunction in autism and to some of the deficits in socialization and communication.

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We report the case of a neologistic jargonaphasic and ask whether her target-related and abstruse neologisms are the result of a single deficit, which affects some items more severely than others, or two deficits: one to lexical access and the other to phonological encoding. We analyse both correct/incorrect performance and errors and apply both traditional and formal methods (maximum-likelihood estimation and model selection). All evidence points to a single deficit at the level of phonological encoding. Further characteristics are used to constrain the locus still further. V.S. does not show the type of length effect expected of a memory component, nor the pattern of errors associated with an articulatory deficit. We conclude that her neologistic errors can result from a single deficit at a level of phonological encoding that immediately follows lexical access where segments are represented in terms of their features. We do not conclude, however, that this is the only possible locus that will produce phonological errors in aphasia, or, indeed, jargonaphasia.

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Both attentional difficulties and rapid processing deficits have recently been linked with dyslexia. We report two studies comparing the performance of dyslexic and control teenagers on attentional tasks. The two studies were based on two different conceptions of attention. Study 1 employed a design that allowed three key components of attention - focusing, switching, and sustaining - to be investigated separately. One hypothesis under investigation was that rapid processing problems - in particular impaired ability to switch attention rapidly - might be associated with dyslexia. However, although dyslexic participants were significantly less accurate than their controls in a condition where they had to switch attention between two target types, the nature of the deficit suggested that the problem was not in switching attention per se. Thus, in Study 2, we explored an alternative interpretation of the Study 1 results in terms of the classic capacity-limited models of "central" attention. We contrasted two hypotheses: (1) that dyslexic teenagers have reduced cognitive resources versus (2) that they suffer from a general impairment in the ability to automatise basic skills. To investigate the automaticity of the shape recognition component of the task a similar attention paradigm to that used in Study 1 was employed, but using degraded, as well as intact, stimuli. It was found that stimulus degradation led to relatively less impairment for dyslexic than for matched control groups. The results support the hypothesis that dyslexic people suffer from a general impairment in the ability to automatise skills - in this case the skill of automatic shape recognition.

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The present thesis tested the hypothesis of Stanovich, Siegel, & Gottardo (1997) that surface dyslexia is the result of a milder phonological deficit than that seen in phonological dyslexia coupled with reduced reading experience. We found that a group of adults with surface dyslexia showed a phonological deficit that was commensurate with that shown by a group of adults with phonological dyslexia (matched for chronological age and verbal and non-verbal IQ) and normal reading experience. We also showed that surface dyslexia cannot be accounted for by a semantic impairment or a deficit in the verbal learning and recall of lexical-semantic information (such as meaningful words), as both dyslexic subgroups performed the same. This study has replicated the results of our published study that surface dyslexia is not the consequence of a mild retardation or reduced learning opportunities but a separate impairment linked to a deficit in written lexical learning, an ability needed to create novel lexical representations from a series of unrelated visual units, which is independent from the phonological deficit (Romani, Di Betta, Tsouknida & Olson, 2008). This thesis also provided evidence that a selective nonword reading deficit in developmental dyslexia persists beyond poor phonology. This was shown by finding a nonword reading deficit even in the presence of normal regularity effects in the dyslexics (when compared to both reading and spelling-age matched controls). A nonword reading deficit was also found in the surface dyslexics. Crucially, this deficit was as strong as in the phonological dyslexics despite better functioning of the sublexical route for the former. These results suggest that a nonword reading deficit cannot be solely explained by a phonological impairment. We, thus, suggested that nonword reading should also involve another ability relating to the processing of novel visual orthographic strings, which we called 'orthographic coding'. We then investigated the ability to process series of independent units within multi-element visual arrays and its relationship with reading and spelling problems. We identified a deficit in encoding the order of visual sequences (involving both linguistic and nonlinguistic information) which was significantly associated with word and nonword processing. More importantly, we revealed significant contributions to orthographic skills in both dyslexic and control individuals, even after age, performance IQ and phonological skills were controlled. These results suggest that spelling and reading do not only tap phonological skills but also order encoding skills.

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There is increasing evidence that children continue to experience attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) symptoms into adult life. The two main treatments for ADHD are antidepressants and stimulants. Here, the effectiveness data relating to the use of antidepressants in adults with ADHD are reviewed. Four controlled and six open studies were identified. Although, there is only limited data currently available, antidepressants may offer an effective therapy for adult ADHD. Controlled trials have studied desipramine, atomoxetine and bupropion, with most evidence supporting the efficacy of desipramine. The initial data indicate that atomoxetine is less effective than desipramine. The efficacy of bupropion is unclear. Initial published open data suggest a response rate of 50-78% with venlafaxine. Controlled studies are required to confirm this efficacy. Most of the present data are short-term, therefore long-term effectiveness data are required.

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This study examines the contribution of early phonological processing (PP) and language skills on later phonological awareness (PA) and morphological awareness (MA), as well as the links among PA, MA, and reading. Children 4-6 years of age with poor PP at the start of school showed weaker PA and MA 3 years later (age 7-9), regardless of their language skills. PA and phonological and morphological strategies predict reading accuracy, whereas MA predicts reading comprehension. Our findings suggest that children with poor early PP are more at risk of developing deficits in MA and PA than children with poor language. They also suggest that there is a direct link between PA and reading accuracy and between MA and reading comprehension that cannot be accounted for by strategy use at the word level.