Spin transition of 1D, 2D and 3D iron(II) complex polymers - the tug-of-war between elastic interaction and a shock-absorber effect

The structures of linear chain Fe(II) spin-crossover compounds of α,β- and α,ω-bis (tetrazol-1-yl)alkane type ligands are described in relation to their magnetic properties. The first threefold interlocked 3-D catenane Fe(II) spin-transition system, [μ-tris(1,4-bis(tetrazol-1-yl)butane-N1,N1′) iron(II)] bis(perchlorate), will be discussed. An analysis is made among the structures and the cooperativity of the spin-crossover behaviour of polynuclear Fe(II) spin-transition materials.

Ethnic conflict and war crimes in the Balkans:the narratives of denial in post-conflict Serbia

In the years following the fall of Slobodan Milo evic, Serbian social, cultural and political responses to the wars of the 1990s have fallen under intense international scrutiny. But is this scrutiny justfied, and how can these responses be better understood? Jelena Obradovic engages with ideas about post-conflict societies, memory, cultural trauma, and national myths of victimhood and justified war to shed light upon Serbian denial and justification of war crimes - for example, Serbia's reluctant cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Rather than treating denial as a failure to come to terms with the past or as resurgent nationalism, Obradovic argues that the justification of atrocities are often the result of a societal need to understand and incorporate violent events within culturally acceptable boundaries.

The French Confederation Generale du Travail and the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (1900-1914):French syndicalist attitudes towards internationalism and the International Labour Movement

This thesis examines relations between the French Confederation Generale du Travail (CGT) and the labour movements of other countries in the years leading up to the First World War. The aim of the study is to examine the CGT's policy of internationalism in practice, both in relations with other labour movements and in its membership of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (between 1900 and 1914). In particular, the relationship between the French and German labour movements is explored in the light of the events of August 1914. This study shows that the relationship was a reflection of the respective positions of the French and German labour movements in the international movement. It also subjects to close scrutiny the assumption, widely made before 1914, that workers had more in common with each other than with the ruling classes of their own country, by analysing the extent of, and the reasons for internationalism and international cooperation in the labour movement. As a study of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, an organisation about which very little has previously been written, this thesis complements existing work on the international labour movement prior to 1914. It also provides new insights into the French CGT by concentrating on the fundamental areas of internationalism and opposition to war, and offers fresh contributions to the continuing debate on the international labour movement and its response to the outbreak of war.

Interned in Scotland. The Stobs Camp during the First World War

After the outbreak of war, civilians of Central Power nationality were declared ‘enemy aliens’ throughout the British Empire. Scotland serves as a representative case history to analyse patterns of public Germanophobia, ethnic minority displacement, internment, and repatriation. The Stobs camp in the Scottish Borders region was one of the biggest camps in the Empire. Internees were affected by the depressive ‘barbed wire disease’ and organised a plethora of activities. Those who were repatriated faced destitution in Germany. Neither in Britain nor in Germany have they been included in remembrance cultures. Within wider debates about the totalisation of warfare during World War I, the article takes on a global perspective to argue in favour of a stronger emphasis on civilian suffering.

‘Enemy aliens’ in wartime:civilian internment in South Africa during World War I

This article explores the previously neglected history of civilian internment in South Africa during World War I. German, Austro-Hungarian and Turkish nationals were classified as ‘enemy aliens’. They included mostly male immigrants, but also several hundred women and children deported from Sub-Saharan colonial contact zones. The main camp was Fort Napier in Pietermaritzburg, holding around 2,500. Based on sources in South African, German and British archives, this multi-perspectival enquiry highlights the salience of the South African case and integrates it into wider theoretical questions and arguments. The policy of civilian internment was rolled out comprehensively throughout the British Empire. Not least lessons learnt from the South African War (1900-1902), when Britain had been widely criticised for harsh conditions in its camps, led to relatively humane prisoner treatment. Another mitigating factor were the pro-German sympathies of the Afrikaner population. Nevertheless, suffering occurred through isolation and deportation. Remembering the First World War mainly as a ‘’soldiers’ war’ on the Western Front generates too narrow a picture. Widening the lens on civilians of both sexes in overseas territories supports notions of war totalisation.

‘Wir stehen fest zusammen/Zu Kaiser und zu Reich!’: Nationalism Among Germans in Britain, 1871–1918

German unification in 1871 triggered a wave of enthusiasm for the fatherland amongst German migrants worldwide. Britain was no exception. National confidence and coherence received a boost through the new symbols of ‘Kaiser’ and ‘Reich’. From the 1880s onwards, more and more militaristic and chauvinistic undertones could be heard. Local branches of German patriotic and militaristic pressure groups were founded in Britain. Support for Germany’s ‘new course’ of colonialist expansion and its ambitious naval programme was, however, not confined to right–wing groups but permeated ethnic life in general. Religion and nationalism stood in a symbiotic relationship; some German academics lecturing at British universities displayed chauvinistic attitudes; social clubs were increasingly dominated by an atmosphere of ‘Reich’–nationalism. After the outbreak of war, public expressions of pro–German attitudes did not disappear and were one of numerous factors contributing to Germanophobia within the host society.

Language and peace

This study seeks to demonstrate how critical discourse analysis can elucidate the relationship between language and peace. It provides a view on the notion of peace put forward by peace researchers, namely that peace includes not only the absence of war or physical violence, but also the absence of structural violence. Approaching the topic from various perspectives, the volume argues that language is a factor to be considered together with social and economic factors in any examination of the social conditions and institutions that prevent the achievement of a comprehensive peace. It illustrates a framework of concepts and methodologies that offer to help guide future linguistic research in this area, and also calls for foreign language, second language and peace educators to include critical linguistic education into their curricula and describes an approach for doing so.