La critique du nationalisme de la "Semaine Sociale de Bordeaux" à la "Lutte pour la civilisation et la philosophie de la paix"

Over a long period the philosopher, Maurice Blondel, was an outspoken critic of exaggerated nationalism. The series of articles that appeared in 1909-10 in the Annales de philosophie chrétienne under the title of « La Semaine sociale de Bordeaux », and later were published in book form, contained a philosophically and theologically motivated critique of the early support shown by French Catholics for the doctrinaire nationalism of Charles Maurras. In 1928 Blondel returned to a critique of this same nationalism in his detailed article « Patrie et Humanité ». But the further criticism of nationalism contained in parts of his book Lutte pour la civilisation et philosophie de la paix, which was published in 1939 (and anew in 1947 in a slightly revised edition), was of a different order, being focused on the nationalism associated with what Blondel termed totalitarisme in its then German or Nazi form. Despite this record, it would be a mistake to assume that Blondel was an internationalist fitting clearly into the Briand mould. After the First World War Blondel favoured the hard-line foreign policy advocated by Poincaré and Foch, in particular over the future of the Rhineland. And he remained a conservative Catholic. His book of 1939 denounced not only totalitarisme in both its Nazi and Soviet forms, but also, on an opposing front, liberalism in the social and economic sphere. As to the deleterious effect of nationalism on international relations, he was an advocate of strengthening international law, notably the corpus of law emanating from The Hague. Maurice Blondel was greatly admired by Robert Schuman, the prominent French foreign minister under the Fourth Republic and a key figure for post-war European integration.

La presse d'extreme droite face au revisionnisme en France 1978-1990

Between 1978 and 1990 five newspapers close to Jean-Marie Le Pen's Front National had the choice of defining their stand on so-called révisionnisme which in its extreme form denied the existence of the Shoah, considering it to be the fabrication of a Jewish conspiracy. Within révisionnisme, a négationniste discourse affirmed that the gas chambers never existed, while a relativiste discourse denied that the Shoah was an act of genocide. However, most of the extreme-right newspapers did not adopt the cause of révisionnisme, even if they sometimes evinced an indulgence towards it. Only the weekly Rivarol and the militant François Brigneau who worked for Minute, Présent and National Hebdo and wrote the most on the subject openly espoused révisionnisme. The reasons for their stance included neo-fascist views, belief in a Jewish conspiracy. Their stance was in keeping with ideas commonly expressed in French neo-fascist circles that made for a révisionnisme of exculpation. On the other hand, the French Catholic intégriste milieu close to the Front National, which is represented by the newspapers Présent and Aspects de la France, was not generally révisionniste, notwithstanding the occasionnal expressions of relativisme by persons in the schismatic lefebvriste movement or close to Présent. This rejection of révisionnisme by Catholics on the extreme right was conditioned by various factors: the nature of Maurras's nationalisme intégral and anti-Semitism transmitted by I' Action française; the Catholic Church's modified position on the Jews; and the (offensive) atheism of the upholders of révisionnisme. This same révisionnisme extended beyond latter-day Nazi sympathisers. In its French version, it served to unite elements of the extreme right and the extreme left, as witness the role played by La Vieille Taupe, the extreme left group which was (and is) the leading publisher in France of tracts favouring révisionnisme.