A specific and rapid neural signature for parental instinct

Darwin originally pointed out that there is something about infants which prompts adults to respond to and care for them, in order to increase individual fitness, i.e. reproductive success, via increased survivorship of one's own offspring. Lorenz proposed that it is the specific structure of the infant face that serves to elicit these parental responses, but the biological basis for this remains elusive. Here, we investigated whether adults show specific brain responses to unfamiliar infant faces compared to adult faces, where the infant and adult faces had been carefully matched across the two groups for emotional valence and arousal, as well as size and luminosity. The faces also matched closely in terms of attractiveness. Using magnetoencephalography (MEG) in adults, we found that highly specific brain activity occurred within a seventh of a second in response to unfamiliar infant faces but not to adult faces. This activity occurred in the medial orbitofrontal cortex (mOFC), an area implicated in reward behaviour, suggesting for the first time a neural basis for this vital evolutionary process. We found a peak in activity first in mOFC and then in the right fusiform face area (FFA). In mOFC the first significant peak (p<0.001) in differences in power between infant and adult faces was found at around 130 ms in the 10-15 Hz band. These early differences were not found in the FFA. In contrast, differences in power were found later, at around 165 ms, in a different band (20-25 Hz) in the right FFA, suggesting a feedback effect from mOFC. These findings provide evidence in humans of a potential brain basis for the "innate releasing mechanisms" described by Lorenz for affection and nurturing of young infants. This has potentially important clinical applications in relation to postnatal depression, and could provide opportunities for early identification of families at risk.

Current practice and opinion in special schools for the maladjusted in England and Wales

This study seeks to describe current practice and opinion in schools for the maladjusted in England and Wales and to exarnlne how far this coincides with earlier descriptions. A review of the literature provides an account of this earlier work, and data accrued from questionnaires completed by 114 schools describe current practice and opinion. The study represents the most extensive empirical enquiry into the work of these schools since 1955 and provides a wide data basis for future research and assessment of progress and change. The data suggest that there is much communality of practice and opinion within the schools, with most schools emphasising their therapeutic rather than their educational purpose. The work is characterised by the wide use and perceived efficacy of warm, caring adult to child relationships, improvement of pupil self-image through success, and individual counselling and discussion, which permeate a structure of routine, discipline and educational concern. Specialised treatments are not used widely and involve only a minority of pupils. Practice tends to be in reference to conduct disordered pupils who are now perceived as the largest single disorder group within the schools, whereas previously neurotic disorders formed the largest single group. The majority of pupils are perceived as underachieving on entry and requiring remedial help: consequently the educational programme has a remedial bias. For staff, qualities of personality are considered to be more valuable than professional skills. The schools differ in the emphasis they allocate to one or more of four identified areas of treatment described as concern for pupils' needs; degree of pupil participation; theoretical orientation: and the use of external controls. There is a diminished reference to psychoanalytical theory and an increased reference to behaviourist theory relative to previous practice. Similarly, the use and perceived importance and effectiveness of pupil participation and unconditional affection has diminished.

Cyberstalking:a new challenge for criminal law

Cyberstalking has recently emerged as a new and growing problem and is an area that will probably receive a higher profile within criminal law as more cases reach court (see Griffiths, 1999; Griffiths, Rogers and Sparrow, 1998; Bojic and McFarlane, 2002a; 2002b). For the purposes of this article we define cyberstalking as the use of information and communications technology (in particular the Internet) in order to harass individuals. Such harassment may include actions such as the transmission of offensive e-mail messages, identity theft and damage to data or equipment. Whilst a more comprehensive definition has been presented elsewhere (Bocij and McFarlane, 2002), it is hoped that the definition here is sufficient for those unfamiliar with this field. The stereotypical stalker conjures up images of someone harassing a victim who is the object of their affection. However, not all stalking incidents are motivated by unrequited love. Stalking can also be motivated by hate, a need for revenge, a need for power and/or racism. Similarly, cyberstalking can involve acts that begin with the issuing of threats and end in physical assault. We also make distinctions between conventional stalking and cyberstalking. Whilst some may view cyberstalking as an extension of conventional stalking, we believe cyberstalking should be regarded as an entirely new form of deviant behaviour. It is not surprising that cyberstalking is sometimes thought of as a trivial problem. A number of writers and researchers have suggested that cyberstalking and associated activities are of little genuine concern. Koch (2000), for example, goes as far as accusing those interested in cyberstalking as promoting hysteria over a problem that may be minuscule or even imaginary. The impression gained is that cyberstalking represents a relatively small problem where victims seldom suffer any real harm. Whilst there are no genuinely reliable statistics that can be used to determine how common cyberstalking incidents are, a great deal of evidence is available to show that cyberstalking is a significant and growing problem (Griffiths et al, 1998). For instance, CyberAngels (a well-known Internet safety organization) receives some 500 complaints of cyberstalking each day, of which up to 100 represent legitimate cases (Dean, 2000). Another Internet safety organization (Working to Halt Online Abuse) reports receiving an average of 100 cases per week (WHOA, 2001). To highlight the types of cyberstalking behaviours that take place and some of the major issues facing criminal law, we briefly examine four high profile cases of cyberstalking (adapted from Bocij and MacFarlane, 2002b).

The non-violence of love:a Hildebrand-Girard encounter

If love is a social as well as a personal reality, it could be fruitful to compare Von Hildebrand’s understanding of love and desire with that of cultural anthropologist René Girard. Girard depicts love and desire as a triangular process which arises from imitation, rather than the result of auto-generative affection. In this sense, Girardian theory would seem to convict Von Hildebrand of what is called the romantic lie wherein desire is thought to arise through the mutual appreciation of two subjects. However, in The Nature of Love Von Hildebrand shows his awareness of the possibility that love can be awakened by imitation. Moreover, the lack of a sufficient reason in Girardian theory for avoiding violence can be answered by turning to Von Hildebrand’s appreciation of the ontological basis for desire.