Divorcing romance, rights and radicalism:Beyond pro and anti in the lesbian and gay marriage debate

In this article about ‘For Better or Worse? Lesbian and Gay Marriage’ (Feminism & Psychology, 14[1]) we focus on the contributions to the special feature, the commentaries provided by Ellen Lewin (2004), Sheila Jeffreys (2004) and Sue Wise and Liz Stanley (2004), and on wider debates about lesbian and gay marriage and partnership recognition. We agree that ‘there is a lot of confusion/assumptions made about what “it” (i.e. “marriage”) is’ (Wise and Stanley, 2004: 333). Thus, when talking about same-sex partnership recognition we are concerned with civil marriage (or civil union, or civil partnership), and not religious marriage. Our emphasis is on the public not on the private sphere; we are less interested with the personal aspects of relationships (such as intimacy or commitment) than with their public function in, for instance, obtaining ‘rights and responsibilities’.

Studies on the anti-inflammatory effect of S-Adenosyl-L-methionine

1. S-adenosyl-L-methionine (SAMe) had no effect on cytochrome C reduction by superoxide generated from xanthine oxidase except at high concentrations. This was due to direct inhibition of the enzyme. 2. SAMe inhibited the neutrophil respiratory burst , measured by luminol enhanced chemiluminescence, to FMLP and zymosan A but not to PMA. 3. Adenosine and methylthioadenosine (MTA) inhibited the respiratory burst elicited by FMLP. 4. SAMe inhibited the phagocytosis of latex particles by neutrophils at high concentrations but methionine and S-adenosyl L-homocysteine had no effect. 5. Treatment with SAMe had no effect on cell infiltration or PGE2 production in 6-day air pouches. 6. Treatment with SAMe at the optimum dose of 50mg/kg inhibited the early phases of carrageenan induced rat hind paw inflammation but had a lesser effect on the secondary response. The antiinflammatory effect was sustained after inhibiton of polyamine synthesis. 7. SAMe increased liver putrescine levels in the presence and absence of inflammation Spermidine levels were increased in the presence of inflammation but spermine levels were unaffected by any of the treatments. 8. MT A and adenosine increased liver putrescine and spermidine levels 9. Treatment with SAMe had no effect on the polyamine status of blood. lO.Treatment with SAMe had no effect on the levels of glutathione in liver or blood. 11.SAMe and MTA inhibited histamine and platelet-activating factor (PAF) induced hind paw inflammation but had no effect on inflammation induced by dextran, zymosan, compound 48/80, 5-hydroxytryptamine, arachidonic acid or glucose oxidase. MTA was more effective than SAMe. 12. PAP-induced rat hind paw inflammation was inhibited by isoprenaline and verapamil. Combinations of these drugs with SAMe or MT A had no further enhancement of effect. 13. Incubation of rat PMNLs with [14c ] SAMe increased the intracellular levels of S-adenosyl-L-homocysteine in a dose dependent manner, but had no effect on the intracellular levels of SAMe, adenosine or MT A. 14. Pharmacokinetic studies of plasma SAMe following a single dose of the drug (50mg/kg) i.p. demonstrated that SAMe is rapidly absorbed and metabolised

Preliminary in vitro toxicological evaluation of a series of 2-pyridylcarboxamidrazone candidate anti-tuberculosis compounds III

We have evaluated the cytotoxicity of a series of novel anti-tubercular 2-pyridyl carboxamidrazones through incubation with human mononuclear leucocytes (MNL), with and without a rat microsomal metabolising system. Isoniazid (INH), the closest structurally related agent, was used as a positive control. Incubation of the 3-benzyloxy-benzylidene, dimethylpropyl-benzylidene and 4-phenyl-benzylidene with MNL showed no significant toxicity in comparison with either INH or DMSO vehicle control. However, the 4-N,N-dimethylamino-1-naphthylidene derivative exerted more than sevenfold greater toxicity compared with INH, while the 4-N,N-dimethylamino-1-naphthylidene, 2-benzyloxy-3-methoxy-benzylidene, 2-t-butylthio-benzylidene and 4-i-propyl-benzylidene derivatives showed toxicity which ranged from five to fourfold that of INH. In the presence of either rat microsomes with or without NADPH, the 3-benzyloxy-benzylidene, dimethylpropyl-benzylidene and 4-phenyl-benzylidene derivatives showed no metabolically-mediated cytotoxicity. The latter two derivatives showed a combination of low toxicity and considerable efficacy against Mycobacteria tuberculosis in vitro and show promise for future development. © 2001 Elsevier Science B.V.

Innate recognition of apoptotic cells:novel apoptotic cell-associated molecular patterns revealed by crossreactivity of anti-LPS antibodies

Cells dying by apoptosis are normally cleared by phagocytes through mechanisms that can suppress inflammation and immunity. Molecules of the innate immune system, the pattern recognition receptors (PRRs), are able to interact not only with conserved structures on microbes (pathogen-associated molecular patterns, PAMPs) but also with ligands displayed by apoptotic cells. We reasoned that PRRs might therefore interact with structures on apoptotic cells-apoptotic cell-associated molecular patterns (ACAMPs)-that are analogous to PAMPs. Here we show that certain monoclonal antibodies raised against the prototypic PAMP, lipopolysaccharide (LPS), can crossreact with apoptotic cells. We demonstrate that one such antibody interacts with a constitutively expressed intracellular protein, laminin-binding protein, which translocates to the cell surface during apoptosis and can interact with cells expressing the prototypic PRR, mCD14 as well as with CD14-negative cells. Anti-LPS cross reactive epitopes on apoptotic cells colocalised with annexin V-and C1q-binding sites on vesicular regions of apoptotic cell surfaces and were released associated with apoptotic cell-derived microvesicles (MVs). These results confirm that apoptotic cells and microbes can interact with the immune system through common elements and suggest that anti-PAMP antibodies could be used strategically to characterise novel ACAMPs associated not only with apoptotic cells but also with derived MVs. © 2013 Macmillan Publishers Limited All rights reserved.

Europa i świat zachodni:szkodliwe dla gospodarki niedostrzegane lub lekceważone zjawiska

The paper presents an abbreviated version of the second part of the report on problems of Europe, prepared by a team of teachers at the University of Information Technology and Management in Rzeszow, Poland. We stress therein that the hotly debated problems of the Eurozone and the global financial crisis and its aftermath are, at best, medium-term ones, while real issues Europe faces are of the long-term nature and result from policies pursued for decades. Their consequences are also long-term – and increasingly harmful. Our diagnosis is as follows. Long-term problems related to the increasing burden of the welfare state and its side effects, like the slowing economic growth rate, are not subject to serious policy debates. It applies to both traditional elites from parties belonging to the moderate political spectrum, and to anti-elites on both extremes. Both elites and anti-elites reject the reality as a starting point to developing corrective policy measures. Our economic analysis has revealed that incentives to create wealth in old Western countries have been weakening for a long time. Yet, without deep cuts in public (especially welfare) expenditures and accompanying institutional reforms, economic performance of European (and generally Western) economies is going to worsen over time. The chances of continued stagnation in the next 5–10 years are very high. Finally, we look at the socio-psychological behavioral framework of the ever-expanding welfare state. We point at the phenomenon of the learned helplessness which appears as a result of the people’s lacking perception of linkages between their actions and economic results of these actions. We interpret it as a consequence of the welfare state. It further weakens the prospects for successful reforms and the resultant avoidance of the long-term stagnation.

[Review of] Ivo Mijnssen, The Quest for an Ideal Youth in Putin’s Russia I. Back to Our Future! History, Modernity and Patriotism According to Nashi, 2005–2012. Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, Stuttgart: Ibidem Verlag, 2012, 202pp., e 34.90 p/b

THE YOUTH MOVEMENT NASHI (OURS) WAS FOUNDED IN THE SPRING of 2005 against the backdrop of Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’. Its aim was to stabilise Russia’s political system and take back the streets from opposition demonstrators. Personally loyal to Putin and taking its ideological orientation from Surkov’s concept of ‘sovereign democracy’, Nashi has sought to turn the tide on ‘defeatism’ and develop Russian youth into a patriotic new elite that ‘believes in the future of Russia’ (p. 15). Combining a wealth of empirical detail and the application of insights from discourse theory, Ivo Mijnssen analyses the organisation’s development between 2005 and 2012. His analysis focuses on three key moments—the organisation’s foundation, the apogee of its mobilisation around the Bronze Soldier dispute with Estonia, and the 2010 Seliger youth camp—to help understand Nashi’s organisation, purpose and ideational outlook as well as the limitations and challenges it faces. As such,the book is insightful both for those with an interest in post-Soviet Russian youth culture, and for scholars seeking a rounded understanding of the Kremlin’s initiatives to return a sense of identity and purpose to Russian national life.The first chapter, ‘Background and Context’, outlines the conceptual toolkit provided by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to help make sense of developments on the terrain of identity politics. In their terms, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has experienced acute dislocation of its identity. With the tangible loss of great power status, Russian realities have become unfixed from a discourse enabling national life to be constructed, albeit inherently contingently, as meaningful. The lack of a Gramscian hegemonic discourse to provide a unifying national idea was securitised as an existential threat demanding special measures. Accordingly, the identification of those who are ‘notUs’ has been a recurrent theme of Nashi’s discourse and activity. With the victory in World War II held up as a foundational moment, a constitutive other is found in the notion of ‘unusual fascists’. This notion includes not just neo-Nazis, but reflects a chain of equivalence that expands to include a range of perceived enemies of Putin’s consolidation project such as oligarchs and pro-Western liberals.The empirical background is provided by the second chapter, ‘Russia’s Youth, the Orange Revolution, and Nashi’, which traces the emergence of Nashi amid the climate of political instability of 2004 and 2005. A particularly note-worthy aspect of Mijnssen’s work is the inclusion of citations from his interviews with Nashicommissars; the youth movement’s cadres. Although relatively few in number, such insider conversations provide insight into the ethos of Nashi’s organisation and the outlook of those who have pledged their involvement. Besides the discussion of Nashi’s manifesto, the reader thus gains insight into the motivations of some participants and behind-the-scenes details of Nashi’s activities in response to the perceived threat of anti-government protests. The third chapter, ‘Nashi’s Bronze Soldier’, charts Nashi’s role in elevating the removal of a World War II monument from downtown Tallinn into an international dispute over the interpretation of history. The events subsequent to this securitisation of memory are charted in detail, concluding that Nashi’s activities were ultimately unsuccessful as their demands received little official support.The fourth chapter, ‘Seliger: The Foundry of Modernisation’, presents a distinctive feature of Mijnssen’s study, namely his ethnographic account as a participant observer in the Youth International Forum at Seliger. In the early years of the camp (2005–2007), Russian participants received extensive training, including master classes in ‘methods of forestalling mass unrest’ (p. 131), and the camp served to foster a sense of group identity and purpose among activists. After 2009 the event was no longer officially run as a Nashi camp, and its role became that of a forum for the exchange of ideas about innovation, although camp spirit remained a central feature. In 2010 the camp welcomed international attendees for the first time. As one of about 700 international participants in that year the author provides a fascinating account based on fieldwork diaries.Despite the polemical nature of the topic, Mijnssen’s analysis remains even-handed, exemplified in his balanced assessment of the Seliger experience. While he details the frustrations and disappointments of the international participants with regard to the unaccustomed strict camp discipline, organisational and communication failures, and the controlled format of many discussions,he does not neglect to note the camp’s successes in generating a gratifying collective dynamic between the participants, even among the international attendees who spent only a week there.In addition to the useful bibliography, the book is back-ended by two appendices, which provide the reader with important Russian-language primary source materials. The first is Nashi’s ‘Unusual Fascism’ (Neobyknovennyi fashizm) brochure, and the second is the booklet entitled ‘Some Uncomfortable Questions to the Russian Authorities’ (Neskol’ko neudobnykh voprosov rossiiskoivlasti) which was provided to the Seliger 2010 instructors to guide them in responding to probing questions from foreign participants. Given that these are not readily publicly available even now, they constitute a useful resource from the historical perspective.