In defence of amateurism:on not professionalizing ethnic and racial studies

This piece suggests that the field of ethnic and racial studies is too diverse in theoretical and methodological approach and subject of study to constitute its own discipline. Instead, ethnic and racial studies remains a loosely defined space of interdisciplinary exchange. There is a sense of community among researchers in this field, but teaching continues to be organized to meet the imperatives of different home disciplines. This article argues that in these times of increasing bureaucracy, standardization and managerial intrusion into academic life, there is a positive benefit in retaining a relatively open space of inquiry where we can consider the construction of contemporary social boundaries.

Systematic financial resources allocation processes:a model for critical resources mobilization and deployment for nigerian universities

Purpose – The purpose of this research is to study the perceived impact of some factors on the resources allocation processes of the Nigerian universities and to suggest a framework that will help practitioners and academics to understand and improve such processes. Design/methodology/approach – The study adopted the interpretive qualitative approach aimed at an ‘in-depth’ understanding of the resource allocation experiences of key university personnel and their perceived impact of the contextual factors affecting such processes. The analysis of individual narratives from each university established the conditions and factors impacting the resources allocation processes within each institution. Findings – The resources allocation process issues in the Nigerian universities may be categorised into people (core and peripheral units’ challenge, and politics and power); process (resources allocation processes); and resources (critical financial shortage and resources dependence response). The study also provides insight that resourcing efficiency in Nigerian universities appears strongly constrained by the rivalry among the resource managers. The efficient resources allocation process (ERAP) model is proposed to resolve the identified resourcing deficiencies. Research limitations/implications – The research is not focused to provide generalizable observations but ‘in-depth’ perceived factors and their impact on the resources allocation processes in Nigerian universities. The study is limited to the internal resources allocation issues within the universities and excludes the external funding factors. The resource managers’ responses to the identified factors may affect their internal resourcing efficiency. Further research using more empirical samples is required to obtain more widespread results and the implications for all universities. Originality/value – This study contributes a fresh literature framework to resources allocation processes focusing at ‘people’, ‘process’ and ‘resources’. Also a middle range theory triangulation is developed in relation to better understanding of resourcing process management. The study will be of interest to university managers and policy makers.

Pain management programmes for non-English-speaking black and minority ethnic groups with long-term or chronic pain

Increasing ethnic diversity in the UK means that there is a growing need for National Health Service care to be delivered to non-English-speaking patients. The aims of the present systematic review were to: (1) better understand the outcomes of chronic pain management programmes (PMPs) for ethnic minority and non-English-speaking patients and (2) explore the perspectives on and experiences of chronic pain for these groups. A systematic review identified 26 papers meeting the inclusion criteria; no papers reported on the outcomes of PMPs delivered in the UK. Of the papers obtained, four reported on PMPs conducted outside the UK; eight reported on ethnic differences in patients seeking support from pain management services in America; and the remaining papers included literature reviews, an experimental pain study, a collaborative enquiry, and a survey of patient and clinician ratings of pain. The findings indicate a lack of research into UK-based pain management for ethnic minorities and non-English-speaking patients. The literature suggests that effective PMPs must be tailored to meet cultural experiences of pain and beliefs about pain management. There is a need for further research to explore these cultural beliefs in non-English-speaking groups in the UK. Culturally sensitive evaluations of interpreted PMPs with long-term follow-up are needed to assess the effectiveness of current provision. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Re-making a frontier community or defending ethnic boundaries? The Caucasus in Cossack identity

The essay focuses on the notion of the Caucasus as a reference point in the construction of Cossack identity in southern Russia. Since the late Soviet period, the Cossack revivalist/nativist movement has emerged in the territories which constituted the frontier zones of Tsarist Russia. Arguably, the historical Cossack hosts were established as a kind of frontier community which played an important role in the expansion of the Russian Empire. This essay examines how post-Soviet Cossacks reinterpret the meanings of the Caucasus as a spatial and cultural realm where, or in relation to which, they produce their identity as a distinct ethnic and cultural community.

The Romanian Orthodox Church

At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.

Uncovering the root cause of ethnic difference in ability testing:differential test functioning, test familiarity and trait optimism as explanations of ethnic group differences

The present research represents a coherent approach to understanding the root causes of ethnic group differences in ability test performance. Two studies were conducted, each of which was designed to address a key knowledge gap in the ethnic bias literature. In Study 1, both the LR Method of Differential Item Functioning (DIF) detection and Mixture Latent Variable Modelling were used to investigate the degree to which Differential Test Functioning (DTF) could explain ethnic group test performance differences in a large, previously unpublished dataset. Though mean test score differences were observed between a number of ethnic groups, neither technique was able to identify ethnic DTF. This calls into question the practical application of DTF to understanding these group differences. Study 2 investigated whether a number of non-cognitive factors might explain ethnic group test performance differences on a variety of ability tests. Two factors – test familiarity and trait optimism – were able to explain a large proportion of ethnic group test score differences. Furthermore, test familiarity was found to mediate the relationship between socio-economic factors – particularly participant educational level and familial social status – and test performance, suggesting that test familiarity develops over time through the mechanism of exposure to ability testing in other contexts. These findings represent a substantial contribution to the field’s understanding of two key issues surrounding ethnic test performance differences. The author calls for a new line of research into these performance facilitating and debilitating factors, before recommendations are offered for practitioners to ensure fairer deployment of ability testing in high-stakes selection processes.

Potential causes of ethnic group disparities in infertility:a hospital database study

Introduction - Lower success rates of in vitro fertilisation (IVF) in South East Asian countries compared to Western countries in informal studies and surveys was considered a reflection of variations in methodology and expertise. However, recent studies on the effects of ethnicity on success rates of infertility procedures in western countries have suggested other inherent contributing factors to the ethnic disparity but the evidence evaluating these is lacking. In our study we aim to investigate some of the comorbidities that might cause ethnic disparity to infertility and related procedures from hospital admissions data. Methods - Anonymous hospital admissions data on patients of various ethnic groups with infertility, comorbidities and infertility procedures from multiple hospitals in Birmingham andManchester, UK between 2000 and 2013 were obtained from the local health authority computerised hospital activity analysis register using ICD-10 and OPCS coding systems. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS version 20.Results Of 522 223 female patients aged 18 and over, there were44 758 (8.4%) patients from South Asian (SA) community. 1156(13.4%) of the 8653 patients coded for infertility were SA, whichis a considerably higher proportion of the background SA population. For IVF procedures, the percentage of SA increased to15.4% (233 of the total 1479 patients). The mean age of SA codedfor infertility (30.6 ± 4.7 SD years versus 32.8 ± 4.9 SD years)and IVF (30.4 ± 4.3 SD years versus 32.7 ± 4.4 SD years) was significantly lower than caucasian patien ts (P < 0.001). A multivariate logistic regression model looking at patients with infertility, accounting for variations in age, showed that SA have significantly higher prevalence of hypothyroidism, obesity andiron-deficiency anaemia compared to caucasians but lower prevalence of endometriosis. Interestingly, psychiatric and psychological conditions diagnoses were seldom registered in infertility patients. Conclusion - Other studies suggest that various cultural, lifestyles, psychosocial and socio-economic factors may explain the disparities in IVF success rates between South Asians and caucasians. The fact that SA infertility and IVF patients, in ou rstudy, were significantly younger than caucasians and that their proportion is considerably higher than the background South Asian population suggests the influence of these factors. A significant psychiatric disease burden in other conditions and low numbers in our data suggest under diagnosis in this group.Despite the limitations of the coding data, from our study, we propose that hypothyroidism, obesity and/or iron-deficiency anaemia should be considered for the ethnic disparity. Further research in this topic is essential to fully investigate the reasons for such ethnic disparities.