12 resultados para development process

em Memoria Académica - FaHCE, UNLP - Argentina


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Globalization as progress of economic development has increased population socioeconomical vulnerability when unequal wealth distribution within economic development process constitutes the main rule, with widening the gap between rich and poors by environmental pricing. Econological vulnerability is therefore increasing too, as dangerous substance and techniques should produce polluted effluents and industrial or climatic risk increasing (Woloszyn, Quenault, Faburel, 2012). To illustrate and model this process, we propose to introduce an analogical induction-model to describe both vulnerability situations and associated resilience procedures. At this aim, we first develop a well-known late 80?s model of socio-economic crack-up, known as 'Silent Weapons for Quiet Wars', which presents economics as a social extension of natural energy systems. This last, also named 'E-model', is constituted by three passive components, potential energy, kinetic energy, and energy dissipation, thus allowing economical data to be treated as a thermodynamical system. To extend this model to social and ecological sustainability pillars, we propose to built an extended E(Economic)-S(Social)-O(Organic) model, based on the three previous components, as an open model considering feedbacks as evolution sources. An applicative illustration of this model will then be described, through this summer's american severe drought event analysis

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Led to become a national productive Center, the Great Dourados Region, which consists of 40 cities located in the south of the state of Mato Grosso do Sul - Brazil, emerged as a grain productive region from the middle of the 1970s in the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. Using modern agricultural techniques, the land organization in this region was ruled by a development policy which was not concerned with the socio environmental aspects of the area. In this context, the present work aims to analyze the development process of the Great Dourados region, through soybean production and its relation to the confinement of the indigenous people present in the Area. This integration happened due to the money and for it, inserting this Region into a national productive pattern which guided the farmers to modern crops, mainly soybean. The land cultivation was not the only productive activity that granted the Region an economic integration, to both the national and international market. From the end of the Paraguay War (1870) to the middle of the 70s, there were at least two other ways to the regional economic integration. One of them happened with the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea (maté/ Yerba Mate) from 1870 to 1937, which divided the regional territory into large farmlands focused on the external market. The other way happened with the need to create a market for the agricultural production and for the demand for manufactured goods, which reorganized the regional territory into small farmlands, as a result of colonization projects from 1943 to 1956. Since 1976, with the creation of the Special Program for the Development of the Great Dourados Region (Prodegran), the capitalist relations of production, which were consolidated in the area, were not ruled almost exclusively by the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea, in order to create a new accumulation center connected to the modern crops. As this new accumulation center was created, the Region was led to a selective and dependent integration process, in which many farmers changed their accumulation centers to modern grain crops, causing environmental degradation, productive exclusion and ethnical-cultural conflicts with the indigenous community

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Este artículo traza un breve panorama del proceso de desarrollo de la vitivinicultura capitalista en Mendoza y luego, utilizando diversas fuentes primarias y secundarias, determina la composición del mercado de trabajo vitivinícola y su evolución cuantitativa y cualitativa. La introducción de equipamiento técnico de avanzada obligó a la capacitación de la mano de obra con mejoras en los ingresos de los asalariados. Este mercado se complejizó con el tiempo y aparecieron múltiples jerarquías, desde el peón al enólogo o director técnico de las bodegas, pasando por los contratistas de viñas o los capataces. Muchos trabajadores ascendieron socialmente y se convirtieron en empresarios, en itinerarios que respondieron a diversas estrategias rastreables en las fuentes. Finalmente, las condiciones laborales que tuvieron los trabajadores muestran la precariedad en la que se desenvolvían y la indefensión en la que estaban inmersos por la ausencia de colectivos gremiales que asumieran la representación del trabajo frente al capital.

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Las villas y aldeas de Castilla recorrieron juntas un largo y difícil camino desde los siglos medievales, cuando se fueron conformando como cuerpos políticos, basados en servicios recíprocos que aspiraban a alcanzar el bien común del conjunto. La naturaleza jerárquicamente desigual de dicho cuerpo fue acentuándose y las cabezas jurisdiccionales llevaron a la práctica unas relaciones de dominio cada vez más acusado frente a las aldeas. En estas comunidades rurales, linajes en ascenso aspiraban, no obstante, a ampliar sus propias cotas de autogobierno. La armonía que debía presidir el cuerpo común de villas y aldeas fue desapareciendo, y la política regia de ventas de villazgos con fines hacendísticos, iniciada por Carlos V, respondió a una demanda de segregación que solucionaba al mismo tiempo las aspiraciones jurisdiccionales de las comunidades rurales y de sus nuevas oligarquías así como las necesidades de ingresos extraordinarios de la real hacienda

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Este artículo traza un breve panorama del proceso de desarrollo de la vitivinicultura capitalista en Mendoza y luego, utilizando diversas fuentes primarias y secundarias, determina la composición del mercado de trabajo vitivinícola y su evolución cuantitativa y cualitativa. La introducción de equipamiento técnico de avanzada obligó a la capacitación de la mano de obra con mejoras en los ingresos de los asalariados. Este mercado se complejizó con el tiempo y aparecieron múltiples jerarquías, desde el peón al enólogo o director técnico de las bodegas, pasando por los contratistas de viñas o los capataces. Muchos trabajadores ascendieron socialmente y se convirtieron en empresarios, en itinerarios que respondieron a diversas estrategias rastreables en las fuentes. Finalmente, las condiciones laborales que tuvieron los trabajadores muestran la precariedad en la que se desenvolvían y la indefensión en la que estaban inmersos por la ausencia de colectivos gremiales que asumieran la representación del trabajo frente al capital.

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Las villas y aldeas de Castilla recorrieron juntas un largo y difícil camino desde los siglos medievales, cuando se fueron conformando como cuerpos políticos, basados en servicios recíprocos que aspiraban a alcanzar el bien común del conjunto. La naturaleza jerárquicamente desigual de dicho cuerpo fue acentuándose y las cabezas jurisdiccionales llevaron a la práctica unas relaciones de dominio cada vez más acusado frente a las aldeas. En estas comunidades rurales, linajes en ascenso aspiraban, no obstante, a ampliar sus propias cotas de autogobierno. La armonía que debía presidir el cuerpo común de villas y aldeas fue desapareciendo, y la política regia de ventas de villazgos con fines hacendísticos, iniciada por Carlos V, respondió a una demanda de segregación que solucionaba al mismo tiempo las aspiraciones jurisdiccionales de las comunidades rurales y de sus nuevas oligarquías así como las necesidades de ingresos extraordinarios de la real hacienda

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Globalization as progress of economic development has increased population socioeconomical vulnerability when unequal wealth distribution within economic development process constitutes the main rule, with widening the gap between rich and poors by environmental pricing. Econological vulnerability is therefore increasing too, as dangerous substance and techniques should produce polluted effluents and industrial or climatic risk increasing (Woloszyn, Quenault, Faburel, 2012). To illustrate and model this process, we propose to introduce an analogical induction-model to describe both vulnerability situations and associated resilience procedures. At this aim, we first develop a well-known late 80?s model of socio-economic crack-up, known as 'Silent Weapons for Quiet Wars', which presents economics as a social extension of natural energy systems. This last, also named 'E-model', is constituted by three passive components, potential energy, kinetic energy, and energy dissipation, thus allowing economical data to be treated as a thermodynamical system. To extend this model to social and ecological sustainability pillars, we propose to built an extended E(Economic)-S(Social)-O(Organic) model, based on the three previous components, as an open model considering feedbacks as evolution sources. An applicative illustration of this model will then be described, through this summer's american severe drought event analysis

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Led to become a national productive Center, the Great Dourados Region, which consists of 40 cities located in the south of the state of Mato Grosso do Sul - Brazil, emerged as a grain productive region from the middle of the 1970s in the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. Using modern agricultural techniques, the land organization in this region was ruled by a development policy which was not concerned with the socio environmental aspects of the area. In this context, the present work aims to analyze the development process of the Great Dourados region, through soybean production and its relation to the confinement of the indigenous people present in the Area. This integration happened due to the money and for it, inserting this Region into a national productive pattern which guided the farmers to modern crops, mainly soybean. The land cultivation was not the only productive activity that granted the Region an economic integration, to both the national and international market. From the end of the Paraguay War (1870) to the middle of the 70s, there were at least two other ways to the regional economic integration. One of them happened with the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea (maté/ Yerba Mate) from 1870 to 1937, which divided the regional territory into large farmlands focused on the external market. The other way happened with the need to create a market for the agricultural production and for the demand for manufactured goods, which reorganized the regional territory into small farmlands, as a result of colonization projects from 1943 to 1956. Since 1976, with the creation of the Special Program for the Development of the Great Dourados Region (Prodegran), the capitalist relations of production, which were consolidated in the area, were not ruled almost exclusively by the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea, in order to create a new accumulation center connected to the modern crops. As this new accumulation center was created, the Region was led to a selective and dependent integration process, in which many farmers changed their accumulation centers to modern grain crops, causing environmental degradation, productive exclusion and ethnical-cultural conflicts with the indigenous community

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Resumo:

Led to become a national productive Center, the Great Dourados Region, which consists of 40 cities located in the south of the state of Mato Grosso do Sul - Brazil, emerged as a grain productive region from the middle of the 1970s in the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. Using modern agricultural techniques, the land organization in this region was ruled by a development policy which was not concerned with the socio environmental aspects of the area. In this context, the present work aims to analyze the development process of the Great Dourados region, through soybean production and its relation to the confinement of the indigenous people present in the Area. This integration happened due to the money and for it, inserting this Region into a national productive pattern which guided the farmers to modern crops, mainly soybean. The land cultivation was not the only productive activity that granted the Region an economic integration, to both the national and international market. From the end of the Paraguay War (1870) to the middle of the 70s, there were at least two other ways to the regional economic integration. One of them happened with the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea (maté/ Yerba Mate) from 1870 to 1937, which divided the regional territory into large farmlands focused on the external market. The other way happened with the need to create a market for the agricultural production and for the demand for manufactured goods, which reorganized the regional territory into small farmlands, as a result of colonization projects from 1943 to 1956. Since 1976, with the creation of the Special Program for the Development of the Great Dourados Region (Prodegran), the capitalist relations of production, which were consolidated in the area, were not ruled almost exclusively by the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea, in order to create a new accumulation center connected to the modern crops. As this new accumulation center was created, the Region was led to a selective and dependent integration process, in which many farmers changed their accumulation centers to modern grain crops, causing environmental degradation, productive exclusion and ethnical-cultural conflicts with the indigenous community

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Este artículo traza un breve panorama del proceso de desarrollo de la vitivinicultura capitalista en Mendoza y luego, utilizando diversas fuentes primarias y secundarias, determina la composición del mercado de trabajo vitivinícola y su evolución cuantitativa y cualitativa. La introducción de equipamiento técnico de avanzada obligó a la capacitación de la mano de obra con mejoras en los ingresos de los asalariados. Este mercado se complejizó con el tiempo y aparecieron múltiples jerarquías, desde el peón al enólogo o director técnico de las bodegas, pasando por los contratistas de viñas o los capataces. Muchos trabajadores ascendieron socialmente y se convirtieron en empresarios, en itinerarios que respondieron a diversas estrategias rastreables en las fuentes. Finalmente, las condiciones laborales que tuvieron los trabajadores muestran la precariedad en la que se desenvolvían y la indefensión en la que estaban inmersos por la ausencia de colectivos gremiales que asumieran la representación del trabajo frente al capital.

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Las villas y aldeas de Castilla recorrieron juntas un largo y difícil camino desde los siglos medievales, cuando se fueron conformando como cuerpos políticos, basados en servicios recíprocos que aspiraban a alcanzar el bien común del conjunto. La naturaleza jerárquicamente desigual de dicho cuerpo fue acentuándose y las cabezas jurisdiccionales llevaron a la práctica unas relaciones de dominio cada vez más acusado frente a las aldeas. En estas comunidades rurales, linajes en ascenso aspiraban, no obstante, a ampliar sus propias cotas de autogobierno. La armonía que debía presidir el cuerpo común de villas y aldeas fue desapareciendo, y la política regia de ventas de villazgos con fines hacendísticos, iniciada por Carlos V, respondió a una demanda de segregación que solucionaba al mismo tiempo las aspiraciones jurisdiccionales de las comunidades rurales y de sus nuevas oligarquías así como las necesidades de ingresos extraordinarios de la real hacienda

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Resumo:

Globalization as progress of economic development has increased population socioeconomical vulnerability when unequal wealth distribution within economic development process constitutes the main rule, with widening the gap between rich and poors by environmental pricing. Econological vulnerability is therefore increasing too, as dangerous substance and techniques should produce polluted effluents and industrial or climatic risk increasing (Woloszyn, Quenault, Faburel, 2012). To illustrate and model this process, we propose to introduce an analogical induction-model to describe both vulnerability situations and associated resilience procedures. At this aim, we first develop a well-known late 80?s model of socio-economic crack-up, known as 'Silent Weapons for Quiet Wars', which presents economics as a social extension of natural energy systems. This last, also named 'E-model', is constituted by three passive components, potential energy, kinetic energy, and energy dissipation, thus allowing economical data to be treated as a thermodynamical system. To extend this model to social and ecological sustainability pillars, we propose to built an extended E(Economic)-S(Social)-O(Organic) model, based on the three previous components, as an open model considering feedbacks as evolution sources. An applicative illustration of this model will then be described, through this summer's american severe drought event analysis