9 resultados para Théorie de la sécession comme droit de réparation

em Memoria Académica - FaHCE, UNLP - Argentina


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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists

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En la obra Stylistique comparée du français et de l?anglais, Vinay y Darbelnet señalan el valor de la traducción como disciplina auxiliar de la Lingüística (1977: 25). Sin entrar en el debate sobre el alcance de las nociones de traducción y transcodificación, se entiende que en toda situación de lenguas en contactos, como es el caso de la traducción, el universal de interferencia influye sobre los mecanismos discursivos relacionados con la memoria, de manera tal que la producción de un texto traducido sin visibilidad de interferencia supone esfuerzos especiales por parte del traductor (Toury, 2004: 345). En el marco de esta problemática, nuestro estudio respecto de las cadenas referenciales (CR) en corpora trilingües se fundamenta en los trabajos de Ariel (1990) y, especialmente de Schnedecker (1997, 2005), en cuanto a las expresiones referenciales que mantienen la cohesión del texto y sus relaciones con la accesibilidad al referente. Los resultados de este estudio descriptivo y contrastivo a partir de un corpus de textos trilingües podrán contribuir al conocimiento del macroproceso de traducción y, por consiguiente, a la formación de traductores. Asimismo, esta presentación se inscribe en el marco de la Traductología y aspira a ser un aporte a otras disciplinas, especialmente a la Lingüística, en una relación de reciprocidad (García, 2012: 78)

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En la obra Stylistique comparée du français et de l?anglais, Vinay y Darbelnet señalan el valor de la traducción como disciplina auxiliar de la Lingüística (1977: 25). Sin entrar en el debate sobre el alcance de las nociones de traducción y transcodificación, se entiende que en toda situación de lenguas en contactos, como es el caso de la traducción, el universal de interferencia influye sobre los mecanismos discursivos relacionados con la memoria, de manera tal que la producción de un texto traducido sin visibilidad de interferencia supone esfuerzos especiales por parte del traductor (Toury, 2004: 345). En el marco de esta problemática, nuestro estudio respecto de las cadenas referenciales (CR) en corpora trilingües se fundamenta en los trabajos de Ariel (1990) y, especialmente de Schnedecker (1997, 2005), en cuanto a las expresiones referenciales que mantienen la cohesión del texto y sus relaciones con la accesibilidad al referente. Los resultados de este estudio descriptivo y contrastivo a partir de un corpus de textos trilingües podrán contribuir al conocimiento del macroproceso de traducción y, por consiguiente, a la formación de traductores. Asimismo, esta presentación se inscribe en el marco de la Traductología y aspira a ser un aporte a otras disciplinas, especialmente a la Lingüística, en una relación de reciprocidad (García, 2012: 78)

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En la obra Stylistique comparée du français et de l?anglais, Vinay y Darbelnet señalan el valor de la traducción como disciplina auxiliar de la Lingüística (1977: 25). Sin entrar en el debate sobre el alcance de las nociones de traducción y transcodificación, se entiende que en toda situación de lenguas en contactos, como es el caso de la traducción, el universal de interferencia influye sobre los mecanismos discursivos relacionados con la memoria, de manera tal que la producción de un texto traducido sin visibilidad de interferencia supone esfuerzos especiales por parte del traductor (Toury, 2004: 345). En el marco de esta problemática, nuestro estudio respecto de las cadenas referenciales (CR) en corpora trilingües se fundamenta en los trabajos de Ariel (1990) y, especialmente de Schnedecker (1997, 2005), en cuanto a las expresiones referenciales que mantienen la cohesión del texto y sus relaciones con la accesibilidad al referente. Los resultados de este estudio descriptivo y contrastivo a partir de un corpus de textos trilingües podrán contribuir al conocimiento del macroproceso de traducción y, por consiguiente, a la formación de traductores. Asimismo, esta presentación se inscribe en el marco de la Traductología y aspira a ser un aporte a otras disciplinas, especialmente a la Lingüística, en una relación de reciprocidad (García, 2012: 78)