Pollen record and age determination of a sediment profile from Frengstadsetra, Norway

Innerdalen was once a mountain valley (ca. 780 m a.s.l.) with birch forests, bogs and several summer farms. Today it is a 6.5 km**2 artifical lake. In 1980 and 1981 archaeological and palynological investigations were carried out due to the hydroelectric power plans. Radiocarbon dated pollen diagrams from 9 different localities in Innerdalen provide information on a mountain environment which has been exploited to varying degrees by human groups for thousands of years. In the Birch Zone, ca. 9500-8500 years B.P., the deglaciated surface is vegetated by the normal sequence of pioneering species, first show-bed communities, then shrub/dwarf-shrub communities, and finally a birch forest community. In the Pine Zone, ca. 8500-7500 years B.P., the mixed Birch-Pine forest which prevailed at the end of the Birch Zone is replaced by a dense pine forest. The tree limit was higher than it is today. In the Alder Zone, ca. 7500-4000 years B.P., the newly arrived alder gradually succeeded pine, particularily on good soils. This alder forest has a modem analog in the pre-alpine gray alder forests in Norway. In the last part of the Alder Zone, ca. 6000-4000 years B.P., elm and hazel are nominally present on particularily rich soils, marking the edaphic and climatic optimum in Innerdalen. During this time the first evidence of human impact on the vegetation is apparent in the pollen diagrams. At both Sætersetra in the south of the valley and Liabekken in the north, forest clearance and the development of grazed grass meadows is documented, and human impact continues until the present. The Herb Zone, ca. 4000 years B.P. to 1600 A.D., is characterized by the rapid decline of alder. The forest is increasingly open, and bog formation is initiated. The sub-alpine belt of birch forest is established, probably due to the shift to a cooler, moister climate. Human activity can also have influenced the vegetational changes, although at 4 of the localities human activity also is first apparent after the alder decline. Some localities show measurably less human impact on the vegetation ca. 2600-2000 years B.P. Grazing intensity increases ca. 2000 years B.P. At the end of the Herb Zone rye and barley pollen is registered at Sætersetra and Flonan, indicating contact between the grazing activities of Innerdal and grain cultivation activities outside the valley. The Spruce Zone, ca. 1600 A.D. to the present, does not begin synchronously since the presence of long-distance transported spruce pollen at a locality is entirely dependent on the density of the vegetation ie. degree of human impact. The youngest spruce rise is ca. 1500 A.D. at Røstvangen, when summerfarming is initiated. Summerfarming activities in Innerdal produce an increasingly open landscape. Rye and barley pollen at several localities may indicate limited local cultivation, but is more likely long-distance transport via humans and domesticated animals from cultivated areas outside Innerdalen.

Simulated agricultural subsistence, timing of transition, and percentage of immigrant farmers

Farming and herding were introduced to Europe from the Near East and Anatolia; there are, however, considerable arguments about the mechanisms of this transition. Were it the people who moved and either outplaced, or admixed with, the indigenous hunter-gatherer groups? Or was it material and information that moved---the Neolithic Package---consisting of domesticated plants and animals and the knowledge of their use? The latter process is commonly referred to as cultural diffusion and the former as demic diffusion. Despite continuous and partly combined efforts by archaeologists, anthropologists, linguists, palaeontologists and geneticists, a final resolution of the debate has not yet been reached. In the present contribution we interpret results from the Global Land Use and technological Evolution Simulator (GLUES). GLUES is a mathematical model for regional sociocultural development, embedded in the geoenvironmental context, during the Holocene. We demonstrate that the model is able to realistically hindcast the expansion speed and the inhomogeneous space-time evolution of the transition to agropastoralism in western Eurasia. In contrast to models that do not resolve endogenous sociocultural dynamics, our model describes and explains how and why the Neolithic advanced in stages. We uncouple the mechanisms of migration and information exchange and also of migration and the spread of agropastoralism. We find that: (1) An indigenous form of agropastoralism could well have arisen in certain Mediterranean landscapes, but not in Northern and Central Europe, where it depended on imported technology and material. (2) Both demic diffusion by migration and cultural diffusion by trade may explain the western European transition equally well. (3) Migrating farmers apparently contribute less than local adopters to the establishment of agropastoralism. Our study thus underlines the importance of adoption of introduced technologies and economies by resident foragers.

Tab.1: Total estimated muskox numbers and quotas in management zones of the Northwest Territories and Nunavut

In view of the drastic growth in the Canadian Inuit population, the rising costs of living, the missing job and income alternatives and the high unemployment rate in the arctic, efforts are being made to make use of the muskox populations in order to provide additional sources of food and/or revenue. The present paper attempts to review the course of muskox utilization in the Canadian Arctic and to tentatively assess its present as weIl as its future economic importance. Starting with the pre-European status of muskoxen in Canada, the drastic reduction in numbers resulting from the combined efforts of hide traders, whalers and expedition parties in the 19th and early 20th centuries, the impact of the legal protection and the recovery since 1917 are being described. Establishing muskox farms with semi-domesticated herds failed in Canada in the 1970's. Since 1969, though, increasing numbers of animals have been allotted to many Inuit communities, and despite the fact that most of the animals were primarily used for subsistence purposes, some communities could reserve part of their quotas for trophy (sport) hunters. While controlled sustainable subsistence and trophy hunts may eventually be carried out over the whole muskox range, including recently colonized northern Quebec, commercial harvesting for meat, hides and wool, introduced in 1981, will at least for some time be restricted to Banks and Victoria islands which at present show 78 % of the Canadian muskox population and 94 % of the overall quota.

Archaeological sites in China during the Neolithic and Bronze Age

A total of 51,074 archaeological sites from the early Neolithic to the early Iron Age (c. 8000-500 BC), with a spatial extent covering most regions of China (c. 73-131°E and c. 20-53°N), were analysed over space and time in this study. Site maps of 25 Chinese provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities, published in the series 'Atlas of Chinese Cultural Relics', were used to extract, digitalise and correlate its archaeological data. The data were, in turn, entered into a database using a self-developed mapping software that makes the data, in a dynamic way, analysable as a contribution to various scientific questions, such as population growth and migrations, spread of agriculture and changes in subsistence strategies. The results clearly show asynchronous patterns of changes between the northern and southern parts of China (i.e. north and south of the Yangtze River, respectively) but also within these macro-regions. In the northern part of China (i.e. along the Yellow River and its tributaries and in the Xiliao River basin), the first noticeable increase in the concentration of Neolithic sites occurred between c. 5000 and 4000 BC; however, highest site concentrations were reached between c. 2000 and 500 BC. Our analysis shows a radical north-eastern shift of high site-density clusters (over 50 sites per 100 * 100 km grid cell) from the Wei and middle/lower Yellow Rivers to the Liao River system sometime between 2350 BC and 1750 BC. This shift is hypothetically discussed in the context of the incorporation of West Asian domesticated animals and plants into the existing northern Chinese agricultural system. In the southern part of China, archaeological sites do not show a noticeable increase in the absolute number of sites until after c. 1500 BC, reaching a maximum around 1000 BC.