3 resultados para Categories of complexes
em University of Connecticut - USA
Resumo:
Many students are inspired to start their own business venture after taking some courses in school or simply just taking an idea and turning it into a business. The beginning process is usually most difficult in terms of establishing a functioning business, getting the right connections, and avoiding discouragement to follow through with the business. That is why many businesses fall into the categories of starting, failing along the process, or failing to get started. There is a lot to be learned from the process of starting a business venture. In addressing this issue, some of the questions this research study aims to explore and study are how people go about their new venture efforts? Second, what steps they undertake? Third, from whom do they get information? And fourth, how do they use that information? This study will seek a variety of insights that can help answer these questions and improve our understanding of why some businesses fail, succeed, or never get started.
Resumo:
Economic historians have recently emphasized the importance of integrating economic and historical approaches in studying institutions. The literature on the Ottoman system of taxation, however, has continued to adopt a primarily historical approach, using ad hoc categories of classification and explaining the system through its continuities with the historical precedent. This paper integrates economic and historical approaches to examine the structure, efficiency, and regional diversity of the tax system. The structure of the system made it possible for the Ottomans to economize on the transaction cost of measuring the tax base. Regional variations resulted from both efficient adaptations and institutional rigidities.
Resumo:
Transaction costs, one often hears, are the economic equivalent of friction in physical systems. Like physicists, economists can sometimes neglect friction in formulating theories; but like engineers, they can never neglect friction in studying how the system actually does let alone should work. Interestingly, however, the present-day economics of organization also ignores friction. That is, almost single-mindedly, the literature analyzes transactions from the point of view of misaligned incentives and (especially) transaction-specific assets. The costs involved are certainly costs of running the economic system in some sense, but they are not obviously frictions. Stories about frictions in trade are not nearly as intriguing as stories about guileful trading partners and expensive assets placed at risk. But I will argue that these seemingly dull categories of cost what Baldwin and Clark (2003) call mundane transaction costs actually have a secret life. They are at least as important as, and quite probably far more important than, the more glamorous costs of asset specificity in explaining the partition between firm and market. These costs also have a secret life in another sense: they have a secret life cycle. I will argue that these mundane transaction costs provide much better material for helping us understanding how the boundaries among firms, markets, and hybrid forms change over time.