4 resultados para social groups

em DigitalCommons@The Texas Medical Center


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Deficits in social cognition are prominent symptoms of many human psychiatric disorders, but the origin of such deficits remains largely unknown. To further current knowledge regarding the neural network mediating social cognition, the present research program investigated the individual contributions of two temporal lobe structures, the amygdala and hippocampal formation, and one frontal lobe region, the orbital frontal cortex (Areas 11 and 13), to primate social cognition. Based on previous research, we hypothesized that the amygdala, hippocampal formation and orbital frontal cortex contribute significantly to the formation of new social relationships, but less to the maintenance of familiar ones. ^ Thirty-six male rhesus macaques (Macaca mulatta) served as subjects, and were divided into four experimental groups: Neurotoxic amygdala lesion (A-ibo, n = 9), neurotoxic or aspiration orbital frontal cortex lesion (O, n = 9), neurotoxic hippocampal formation lesion (H-ibo, n = 9) or sham-operated control (C, n = 9). Six social groups (tetrads) were created, each containing one member from each experimental group. The effect of lesion on established social relationships was assessed during pre- and post-surgical unrestrained social interactions, whereas the effect of lesion on the formation of new relationships was assessed during an additional phase of post-surgical testing with shuffled tetrad membership. Results indicated that these three neural structures each contribute significantly to both the formation and maintenance of social relationships. Furthermore, the amygdala appears to primarily mediate normal responses to threatening social signals, whereas the orbital frontal cortex plays a more global role in social cognition by mediating responses to both threatening and affiliative social signals. By contrast, the hippocampal formation seems to contribute to social cognition indirectly by providing access to previous experience during social judgments. ^ These conclusions were further investigated with three experiments that measured behavioral and physiological (stress hormone) reactivity to threatening stimuli, and three additional experiments that measured subjects' ability to flexibly alter behavioral responses depending on the incentive value of a food reinforcer. Data from these six experiments further confirmed and strengthened the three conclusions originating from the social behavior experiments and, when combined with the current literature, helped to formulate a simple, but testable, theoretical model of primate social cognition. ^

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The purpose of this study is to evaluate the theory-based Eat 5 nutrition badge. It is designed to increase fruit and vegetable (F&V) intake in 4th-6th grade junior Girl Scouts. Twenty-two troops were recruited and randomized by grade level (4th, 5th, 6th, or mixed) into either the intervention or control conditions. The leaders in the intervention condition received a brief training and the materials and conducted the program with their troops during four meetings. The Girl Scouts in the intervention condition completed 1-day Food Frequency Questionnaires and Nutrition Questionnaires both before and after completing the Eat 5 badge, and a third measurement of F&V intake three months after the posttest. Girl Scouts in the control condition were only evaluated at the three time periods.^ The primary hypotheses were that the Girl Scouts in the intervention condition would increase their daily intake of fruits and vegetables at both the posttest and three months later, compared to the Girl Scouts in the control condition. Other study questions investigated the impact of the Eat 5 program on intervening variables such as knowledge, self-efficacy, barriers, norms, F&V preference, and F&V selection and preparation skills.^ A nested ANOVA, with troop as the unit of analysis nested within condition, was used to assess the effects of the program. Pretest F&V intake and grade level were used as covariates. Pretest mean F&V intake for the total sample of 210 girls was 2.50 servings per day; 3.0 for the intervention group (n = 101). Significant increases in F&V intake (to 3.4 servings per day), knowledge, and fruit and vegetable preference were found for the intervention condition troops compared to the troops in the control condition. Three months later, the mean F&V intake had returned to pretest levels.^ This study indicates that social groups such as Girl Scouts can provide a channel for nutrition education. Long term effects were not sustained by the intervention; a possible cause was the lack of change in self-efficacy. Therefore, additional interventions are recommended such as booster lessons to maintain increased F&V intake by Girl Scouts. ^

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The central paradigm linking disadvantaged social status and mental health has been the social stress model (Horwitz, 1999), the assumption being that individuals residing in lower social status groups are subjected to greater levels of stress not experienced by individuals from higher status groups. A further assumption is that such individuals have fewer resources to cope with stress, in turn leading to higher levels of psychological disorder, including depression (Pearlin, 1989). Despite these key assumptions, there is a dearth of literature comparing the social patterning of stress exposure (Hatch & Dohrenwend, 2007; Meyer, Schwartz, & Frost, 2008; Kessler, Mickelson, & Williams, 1999; Turner & Avison, 2003; Turner & Lloyd, 1999; Turner, Wheaton, & Lloyd, 1995), and the distribution and contribution of protective factors, posited to play a role in the low rates of depression found among African- and Latino-Americans (Alegria et al., 2007; Breslau, Aguilar-Gaxiola, Kendler, Su, Williams, & Kessler, 2006; Breslau, Borges, Hagar, Tancredi, Gilman, 2009; Gavin, Walton, Chae, Alegria, Jackson, & Takeuchi, 2010; Williams, & Neighbors, 2006). Thus, this study sought to describe both the distribution and contribution of risk and protective factors in relation to depression among a sample of African-, European-, and Latina-American mothers of adolescents, including testing a hypothesized mechanism through which social support, an important protective factor specific to women and depression, operates. ^ Despite the finding that the levels of depression were not statistically different across all three groups of women, surprising results were found in describing the distribution of both risk and protective factors, in that results reported among all women who were mothers when analyzed masked differences within each ethnic group when SES was assessed, a point made explicit by Williams (2002) regarding racial and ethnic variations in women's health. In the final analysis, while perceived social support was found to partially mediate the effect of social isolation on depression, among African-Americans, the direct effect of social isolation and depression was lower among this group of women, as was the indirect effect of social isolation and perceived social support when compared to European- and Latina-American mothers. Or, put differently, higher levels of social isolation were not found to be as associated with more depression or lower social support among African-American mothers when compared to their European- and Latina-American counterparts. ^ Women in American society occupy a number of roles, i.e., that of being female, married or single, mother, homemaker or employee. In addition, to these roles, ethnicity and SES also come into play, such that the intersection of all these roles and the social contexts that they occupy are equally important and must be taken into consideration when making predictions drawn from the social stress model. Based on these findings, it appears that the assumptions of the social stress model need to be revisited to include the variety of roles that intersect among individuals from differing social groups. More specifically, among women who are mothers and occupy a myriad of other roles, i.e., that of being female, married or single, African- or Latina-American, mother, homemaker or employee, the intersection of all the roles and the social contexts that women occupy are equally important and must be taken into consideration when looking at both the types and distribution of stressors across women. Predictions based on simple, mutually exclusive categories of social groups may lead to erroneous assumptions and misleading results.^

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This research indicates a uniformly positive use of psychoeducational groups to counter social isolation of neglectful mothers. This research was supported by a National Child Welfare Fellowship from the U.S. Children 's Bureau to the author. The author thanks Nancy Dickinson, Sherrill Clark, and the staff of the California Social Work Education Center at the University of California for their oversight and guidance during (his fellowship. The author is also grateful to her fellow fellows for their input and guidance during this research effort. Special thanks to Rose Ben ham, Anna Bowen, Judith Brewington, Caron Byington, Scottye Cash. Dottie Dixon, and Verna Rickard for their support of this project.