The social construction of infant mortality: From grassroots to medicalization

Infant mortality as a problematic situation has been recognized for some 130 years in one form or another. It has undergone various changes in its empirical dimensions relative to whom we study within the population, what we study--low birth-weight vs. pre-term births--and how we study it--whether demographically or medically. An analysis of the process by which the condition was raised by claims makers as an intolerable situation among America's urban residents reveals that demographic and medical data were sparse. Nonetheless, a judgement about the meaning and significance of the condition was made, and that interpretation led to the promulgation of systems to both document and address the condition as it has come to be defined.^ This investigation depicts the historical context and natural history of infant mortality as one of a number of social problems that came to be defined through the interplay among groups and individuals making claims and how their claims came to the public policy agenda as worthy of collective resources--who won, who lost and why. The process of social definition focuses attention on the claims makers and the ways they contrast the meaning, origins and remedies for this troubling condition. The historical context becomes the frame of reference for understanding the actions of the claims makers and the meaning and significance they attached to the problem.^ We purport that "context" provides a closer reality than disjoined "value free" accounts. Context provides the evidence for the definition, who participated in the process, why and by what means.^ The role of women in the definitional process reveals the differences in approaches utilized by the women of the settlement house reform movement and African-American women working at the grass-roots. Much of the work done by these two groups provided options to the problem's remedy; however, their differences paved the way to our current (principally medically-oriented) definition and its inherent limitations. ^

INFANT MORTALITY IN THE MEXICAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY: AN ANALYSIS OF DIFFERENTIALS IN INFANT, NEONATAL, AND POSTNEONATAL MORTALITY BY ETHNICITY AND PARENTAL NATIVITY, 1974-75 SINGLE LIVE BIRTH COHORT, HARRIS COUNTY, TEXAS

The paradoxically low infant mortality rates for Mexican Americans in Texas have been attributed to inaccuracies in vital registration and idiosyncracies in Mexican migration in rural areas along the U.S.-Mexico border. This study examined infant (IMR), neonatal (NMR), and postneonatal (PNMR) mortality rates of Mexican Americans in an urban, non-border setting, using linked birth and death records of the 1974-75 single live birth cohort (N = 68,584) in Harris County, Texas, which includes the city of Houston and is reported to have nearly complete birth and death registration. The use of parental nativity with the traditional Spanish surname criterion made it possible to distinguish infants of Mexican-born immigrants from those of Blacks, Anglos, other Hispanics, and later-generation, more Anglicized Mexican Americans. Mortality rates were analyzed by ethnicity, parental nativity, and cause of death, with respect to birth weight, birth order, maternal age, legitimacy status, and time of first prenatal care.^ While overall IMRs showed Spanish surname rates slightly higher than Anglo rates, infants of Mexican-born immigrants had much lower NMRs than did Anglos, even for moderately low birth weight infants. However, among infants under 1500 grams, presumably unable to be discharged home in the neonatal period, Mexican Americans had the highest NMR. The inconsistency suggested unreported deaths for Mexican American low birth weight infants after hospital discharge. The PNMR of infants of Mexican immigrants was also lower than for Anglos, and the usual mortality differentials were reversed: high-risk categories of high birth order, high maternal age, and late/no prenatal care had the lowest PNMRs. Since these groups' characteristics are congruent with those of low-income migrants, the data suggested the possibility of migration losses. Cause of death analysis suggested that prematurity and birth injuries are greater problems than heretofore recognized among Mexican Americans, and that home births and "shoebox burials" may be unrecorded even in an urban setting.^ Caution is advised in the interpretation of infant mortality rates for a Spanish surname population of Mexican origin, even in an urban, non-border area with reportedly excellent birth and death registration. ^