4 resultados para Work and income

em DigitalCommons@The Texas Medical Center


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Asthma, chronic obstructive pulmonary disorder, sinusitis and hay fever have previously been documented as risk factors for future depression in a wide variety of populations. Likewise, belonging to a higher income category has been found to place a person at risk for any type of depression. This study investigates whether an interactive effect between personal income and the presence of any of the four aforementioned respiratory illnesses contribute to an increased risk for depression. Using the National Health and Nutrition Health Examination Survey cross-sectional survey for 2005-2006, analysis of an interaction term for each illness in the presence of confounding factors such as age, smoking status, past or present diagnosis of diabetes, coronary heart disease and heart attack was made within six distinct racial/ethnic and sex subgroups. Generally, interaction terms were found to be non-significant in nature, except hay fever and COPD where in a few subgroups where the interaction term conferred a protective or risk influence depending on the subgroup analyzed. These findings are discussed in light of potential social costs of having certain respiratory illnesses by individuals in higher income categories and the effect of severity within each illness on the resulting risk or protective effect of the interaction term.^

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There has been a great deal of interest and debate recently concerning the linkages between inequality and health cross-nationally. Exposures to social and health inequalities likely vary as a consequence of different cultural contexts. It is important to guide research by a theoretical perspective that includes cultural and social contexts cross-nationally. If inequality affects health only under specific cultural conditions, this could explain why some of the literature that compares different societies finds no evidence of a relationship between inequality and health in certain countries. A theoretical framework is presented that combines sociological theory with constructs from cultural psychology in order to identify pathways that might lead from cultural dimensions to health inequalities. Three analyses are carried out. The first analysis explores whether there is a relationship between cultural dimensions at the societal level and self-rated health at the individual level. The findings suggest that different cultural norms at the societal level can produce both social and health inequalities, but the effects on health may differ depending on the socio-cultural context. The second analysis tests the hypothesis that health is affected by the density of social networks in a society, levels of societal trust, and inequality. The results suggest that commonly used measures of social cohesion and inequality may have both contextual and compositional effects on health in a large number of countries, and that societal measures of social cohesion and inequality interact with individual measures of social participation, trust, and income, moderating their effects on health. The third analysis explores whether value systems associated with vertical individualist societies may lead to health disparities because of their stigmatizing effects. I test the hypothesis that, within vertical individualist societies, subjective well-being will be affected by a social context where competition and the Protestant work ethic are valued, mediated by inequality. The hypothesis was not supported by the available cross-national data, most likely because of inadequate measures, missing data, and the small sample of vertical individualist countries. The overall findings demonstrate that cultural differences are important contextual factors that should not be overlooked when examining the causes of health inequalities. ^

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The relative influence of race, income, education, and Food Stamp Program participation/nonparticipation on the food and nutrient intake of 102 fecund women ages 18-45 years in a Florida urban clinic population was assessed using the technique of multiple regression analysis. Study subgroups were defined by race and Food Stamp Program participation status. Education was found to have the greatest influence on food and nutrient intake. Race was the next most influential factor followed in order by Food Stamp Program participation and income. The combined effect of the four independent variables explained no more than 19 percent of the variance for any of the food and nutrient intake variables. This would indicate that a more complex model of influences is needed if variations in food and nutrient intake are to be fully explained.^ A socioeconomic questionnaire was administered to investigate other factors of influence. The influence of the mother, frequency and type of restaurant dining, and perceptions of food intake and weight were found to be factors deserving further study.^ Dietary data were collected using the 24-hour recall and food frequency checklist. Descriptive dietary findings indicated that iron and calcium were nutrients where adequacy was of concern for all study subgroups. White Food Stamp Program participants had the greatest number of mean nutrient intake values falling below the 1980 Recommended Dietary Allowances (RDAs). When Food Stamp Program participants were contrasted to nonparticipants, mean intakes of six nutrients (kilocalories, calcium, iron, vitamin A, thiamin, and riboflavin) were below the 1980 RDA compared to five mean nutrient intakes (kilocalories, calcium, iron, thiamin and riboflavin) for the nonparticipants. Use of the Index of Nutritional Quality (INQ), however, revealed that the quality of the diet of Food Stamp Program participants per 1000 kilocalories was adequate with exception of calcium and iron. Intakes of these nutrients were also not adequate on a 1000 kilocalorie basis for the nonparticipant group. When mean nutrient intakes of the groups were compared using Student's t-test oleicacid intake was the only significant difference found. Being a nonparticipant in the Food Stamp Program was found to be associated with more frequent consumption of cookies, sweet rolls, doughnuts, and honey. The findings of this study contradict the negative image of the Food Stamp Program participant and emphasize the importance of education. ^

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This research addressed the question of life satisfaction for retired and employed women with long-term employment in a typically female occupational setting. Questions of how women's retirement is related to life satisfaction have been largely neglected because of cultural assumptions about the relative unimportance of the work role in women's lives. It is generally believed that the major source of satisfaction for women is in traditional family roles. Therefore, it follows that retirement from work is not experienced as a loss for women.^ The actual consequences of women's retirement have not been examined systematically. Descriptive data about their lives are inadequate. It is not known what patterns and resources result from a lifetime of work for women.^ The objectives of the study were to test assumptions from role and continuity theory regarding life satisfaction for retired women and women employed late in life and to describe the retirement and work experiences of the women.^ Life satisfaction was measured by the Neugarten, Havighurst and Tobin Life Satisfaction Index. Perceptions of appropriate roles for females and males were assessed through an attitudinal sex-role instrument. A composite index, derived from perceptions of health, social participation, and income at two time periods, measured level of continuity. These indices and demographic information, attitudinal items about work and retirement, and social network data comprised the mailed, self-administered survey and the personal interviews.^ The study population included 91 retired and 53 employed women, 55 years or older with a minimum of 20 years continuous employment, who were enrolled in the pension program of a large retail store.^ The retired women's perceptions of their health and social participation were more positive than the employed women's. Traditional retired women demonstrated higher life satisfaction than nontraditional retired women. Both retired and employed women who perceived continuity in life patterns scored statistically higher on life satisfaction than women who perceived discontinuity. Financial planning was the area of greatest retirement concern for retired and employed women.^