3 resultados para SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEIN

em DigitalCommons@The Texas Medical Center


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Based on the World Health Organization's (1965) definition of health, understanding of health requires understanding of positive psychological states. Subjective Well-being (SWB) is a major indicator of positive psychological states. Up to date, most studies of SWB have been focused on its distributions and determinants. However, study of its consequences, especially health consequences, is lacking. This dissertation research examined Subjective Well-being, as operationally defined by constructs drawn from the framework of Positive Psychology, and its sub-scores (Positive Feelings and Negative Feelings) as predictors of three major health outcomes—mortality, heart disease, and obesity. The research used prospective data from the Alameda County Study over 29 years (1965–1994), based on a stratified, randomized, representative sample of the general public in Alameda County, California (Baseline N = 6928). ^ Multivariate analyses (Survival analyses using sequential Cox Proportional Hazard models in the cases of mortality and heart disease, and sequential Logistic Regression analyses in the case of obesity) were performed as the main methods to evaluate the associations of the predictors and the health outcomes. The results revealed that SWB reduced risks of all-cause mortality, natural-cause mortality, and cardiovascular mortality. Positive feelings not only had an even stronger protective effect against all-cause, natural-cause and cardiovascular mortality, but also predicted decreased unnatural-cause mortality which includes deaths from suicide, homicide, accidents, mental disorders, drug dependency, as well as alcohol-related liver diseases. These effects were significant even after adjusted for age, gender, education, and various physical health measures, and, in the case of cardiovascular mortality, obesity and health practices (alcohol consumption, smoking, and physical activities). However, these two positive psychological indicators, SWB and positive feelings, did not predict obesity. And negative feelings had no significant effect on any of the health outcomes evaluated, i.e., all-cause mortality, natural- and unnatural-cause mortality, cardiovascular mortality, or obesity, after covariates were controlled. These findings were discussed (1) in comparison with relevant existing studies, (2) in terms of their implications in health research and promotion, (3) in terms of the independence of positive and negative feelings, and (4) from a Positive Psychology perspective and its significance in Public Health research and practice. ^

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There has been a great deal of interest and debate recently concerning the linkages between inequality and health cross-nationally. Exposures to social and health inequalities likely vary as a consequence of different cultural contexts. It is important to guide research by a theoretical perspective that includes cultural and social contexts cross-nationally. If inequality affects health only under specific cultural conditions, this could explain why some of the literature that compares different societies finds no evidence of a relationship between inequality and health in certain countries. A theoretical framework is presented that combines sociological theory with constructs from cultural psychology in order to identify pathways that might lead from cultural dimensions to health inequalities. Three analyses are carried out. The first analysis explores whether there is a relationship between cultural dimensions at the societal level and self-rated health at the individual level. The findings suggest that different cultural norms at the societal level can produce both social and health inequalities, but the effects on health may differ depending on the socio-cultural context. The second analysis tests the hypothesis that health is affected by the density of social networks in a society, levels of societal trust, and inequality. The results suggest that commonly used measures of social cohesion and inequality may have both contextual and compositional effects on health in a large number of countries, and that societal measures of social cohesion and inequality interact with individual measures of social participation, trust, and income, moderating their effects on health. The third analysis explores whether value systems associated with vertical individualist societies may lead to health disparities because of their stigmatizing effects. I test the hypothesis that, within vertical individualist societies, subjective well-being will be affected by a social context where competition and the Protestant work ethic are valued, mediated by inequality. The hypothesis was not supported by the available cross-national data, most likely because of inadequate measures, missing data, and the small sample of vertical individualist countries. The overall findings demonstrate that cultural differences are important contextual factors that should not be overlooked when examining the causes of health inequalities. ^

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The purpose of this study was to investigate whether an incongruence between personality characteristics of individuals and concomitant charcteristics of health professional training environments on salient dimensions contributes to aspects of mental health. The dimensions examined were practical-theoretical orientation and the degree of structure-unstructure. They were selected for study as they are particularly important attributes of students and of learning environments. It was proposed that when the demand of the environment is disparate from the proclivities of the individual, strain arises. This strain was hypothesized to contribute to anxiety, depression, and subjective distress.^ Select subscales on the Omnibus Personality Inventory (OPI) were the operationalized measures for the personality component of the dimensions studied. An environmental index was developed to assess students' perceptions of the learning environment on these same dimensions. The Beck Depression Inventory, State-Trait Anxiety Inventory and General Well-Being schedule measured the outcome variables.^ A congruence model was employed to determine person-environment (P-E) interaction. Scores on the scales of the OPI and the environmental index were divided into high, medium, and low based on the range of scores. Congruence was defined as a match between the level of personality need and the complementary level of the perception of the environment. Alternatively, incongruence was defined as a mismatch between the person and the environment. The consistent category was compared to the inconsistent categories by an analysis of variance procedure. Furthermore, analyses of covariance were conducted with perceived supportiveness of the learning environment and life events external to the learning environment as the covariates. These factors were considered critical influences affecting the outcome measures.^ One hundred and eighty-five students (49% of the population) at the College of Optometry at the University of Houston participated in the study. Students in all four years of the program were equally represented in the study. However, the sample differed from the total population on representation by sex, marital status, and undergraduate major.^ The results of the study did not support the hypotheses. Further, after having adjusted for perceived supportiveness and life events external to the learning environment, there were no statistically significant differences between the congruent category and incongruent categories. Means indicated than the study sample experienced significantly lower depression and subjective distress than the normative samples.^ Results are interpreted in light of their utility for future study design in the investigation of the effects of P-E interaction. Emphasized is the question of the feasibility of testing a P-E interaction model with extant groups. Recommendations for subsequent research are proposed in light of the exploratory nature of the methodology. ^