Using service-learning to encourage community health advocacy among high school students

The project outlined throughout this program management plan aims to develop a health-focused student advocacy group in the San Antonio Independent School District (SAISD). At its core, this project will be an opportunity for SAISD students to engage in service-learning, through which they will learn and develop by designing, organizing and participating in meaningful public health service experiences. ^ This program management plan addresses the genuine need for public health community education by using the service-learning model as a framework to engage students to effect change. The plan delineates the process by which the student advocacy group is to be assembled, selection of service-learning project, project objectives, technical objectives, and communication requirements. Ideally, the plan should help to facilitate project coordination, communication, and planning, and to support the direction of resources. The appendices that follow also provide useful tools with which to follow through with project implementation. ^ The plan is about more than providing a tool to educate students about the health issues in their community. It is about providing a way to teach health advocacy and self-interest and encourage civic engagement via public health. Students have the potential to positively effect lasting change among their peers, in their schools and in the community.^

The illness experiences of African Americans residing in an inner city community, Houston, Texas

This dissertation documents health and illness in the context of daily life circumstances and structural conditions faced by African American families living in Clover Heights (pseudonym), an inner city public housing project in the Third Ward, Houston, Texas. Drawing from Kleinman's (1980) model of culturally defined health care systems and using the holistic-content approach to narrative analysis (Lieblich, Tuval- Mashiach, & Zilber, 1998) the purpose of this research was to explore the ways in which social and health policy, economic mobility, the inner city environment, and cultural beliefs intertwined with African American families' health related ideas, behaviors, and practices. I recruited six families using a convenience sampling method (Schensul, Schensul, & LeCompte, 1999) and followed them for fourteen months (2010–2011). Family was defined as a household unit, or those living in the same residence, short or long-term. Single, African American women ranging in age from 29–80 years headed all families. All but one family included children or grandchildren 18 years of age and younger, or children or other relative 18 years of age and older. I also recruited six residents with who I became acquainted over the course of the project. I collected data using traditional ethnographic methods including participant-observation, archive review, field notes, mapping, free-listing, in-depth interviews, and life history interviews. ^ Doing ethnography afforded the families who participated in this project the freedom to construct their own experiences of health and illness. My role centered on listening to, learning from, and interpreting participants' narratives, exploring similarities and differences within and across families' experiences. As the research progressed, a pattern concerning diagnosis and pharmacotherapy for children's behavioral and emotional problems, particularly attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and pediatric bipolar disorder (PBD), emerged from my formal interactions with participants and my informal interactions with residents. The findings presented in this dissertation document this pattern, focusing on how mothers and families interpreted, organized, and ascribed meaning to their experiences of ADHD and PBD. ^ In the first manuscript presented here, I documented three mothers' narrative constructions of a child's diagnosis with and pharmacotherapy for ADHD or PBD. Using Gergen's (1997) relational perspective I argued that mothers' knowledge and experiences of ADHD and PBD were not individually constructed, but were linguistically and discursively constituted through various social interactions and relationships, including family, spirituality and faith, community norms, and expert systems of knowledge. Mothers' narratives revealed the complexity of children's behavioral and emotional problems, the daily trials of living through these problems, how they coped with adversity and developed survival strategies, and how they interacted with various institutional authorities involved in evaluating, diagnosing, and encouraging pharmaceutical intervention for children's behavior. The findings highlight the ways in which mothers' social interactions and relationships introduced a scientific language and discourse for explaining children's behavior as mental illness, the discordances between expert systems of knowledge and mothers' understandings, and how discordances reflected mothers' ‘microsources of power’ for producing their own stories and experiences. ^ In the second manuscript presented here, I documented the ways in which structural factors, including gender, race/ethnicity, and socioeconomic status, coupled with a unique cultural and social standpoint (Collins, 1990/2009) influenced the strategies this group of African American mothers employed to understand and respond to ADHD or PBD. The most salient themes related to mother-child relationships coalesced around mothers' beliefs about the etiology of ADHD and PBD, ‘conceptualizing responsibility,’ and ‘protection-survival.’ The findings suggest that even though mothers' strategies varied, they were in pursuit of a common goal. Mothers' challenged the status quo, addressing children's behavioral and emotional problems in the ways that made the most sense to them, specifically protecting their children from further marginalization in society more so than believing these were the best options for their children.^

Learning -dependent plasticity of movement representations in the primate primary motor cortex

Primary motor cortex (M1) is involved in the production of voluntary movement and contains a complete functional representation, or map, of the skeletal musculature. This functional map can be altered by pathological experiences, such as peripheral nerve injury or stroke, by pharmacological manipulation, and by behavioral experience. The process by which experience-dependent alterations of cortical function occur is termed plasticity. In this thesis, plasticity of M1 functional organization as a consequence of behavioral experience was examined in adult primates (squirrel monkeys). Maps of movement representations were derived under anesthesia using intracortical microstimulation, whereby a microelectrode was inserted into the cortex to electrically stimulate corticospinal neurons at low current levels and evoke movements of the forelimb, principally of the hand. Movement representations were examined before and at several times after training on behavioral tasks that emphasized use of the fingers. Two behavioral tasks were utilized that dissociated the repetition of motor activity from the acquisition of motor skills. One task was easy to perform, and as such promoted repetitive motor activity without learning. The other task was more difficult, requiring the acquisition of motor skills for successful performance. Kinematic analysis indicated that monkeys used a consistent set of forelimb movements during pellet extractions. Functional mapping revealed that repetitive motor activity during the easier task did not produce plastic changes in movement representations. Instead, map plasticity, in the form of selective expansions of task-related movement representations, was only produced following skill acquisition on the difficult task. Additional studies revealed that, in general, map plasticity persisted without further training for up to three months, in parallel with the retention of task-related motor skills. Also, extensive additional training on the small well task produced further improvements in performance, and further changes in movement maps. In sum, these experiments support the following three conclusions regarding the role of M1 in motor learning. First, behaviorally-driven plasticity is learning-dependent, not activity-dependent. Second, plastic changes in M1 functional representations represent a neural correlate of acquired motor skills. Third, the persistence of map plasticity suggests that M1 is part of the neural substrate for the memory of motor skills. ^