Runaway and Throwaway Youth: Time for Policy Changes and Public Responsibility

The traditional American dream of owning a home, obtaining a college education, and working at a good, paying job is only that, a dream, for scores of homeless youth in America today. There is a growing street population of young people who have been thrown out of their homes by their caretakers or their families, and who face life-threatening situations each day. For these youth, the furthest thing in their lives is reaching the so-called “American Dream;” and their most immediate need is survival, simply living out the day in front of them. They have few options that lead to a decent and safe living environment. Their age, lack of work experience, and absence of a high school diploma make it most difficult to find a job. As a result, they turn to other means for survival; runaways and throwaways are most vulnerable to falling prey to the sex trade, selling drugs, or being lured into human trafficking, and some steal or panhandle. Street youth end up spending their nights in bus stations or finding a room in an abandoned building or an empty stairwell to sleep. Attempting to identify a specific number of homeless youth is difficult at best, but what is even more perplexing is our continued inability to effectively protect our children. We are left with a basic question framed by the fundamental tenets of justice: what is a community’s responsibility to its youth who, for whatever reason, end up living on the streets or in unsafe, abusive environments? The purpose of this paper is to briefly outline the characteristics of homeless youth, in particular differentiating between throwaways and runaways; explore the current federal response to homeless youth; and finally, address the nagging question that swirls around all children: can we aggressively aspire to be a community where every child is healthy and safe, and able to realize his or her fullest potential?

Community Responsibility for Runaway and Thrownaway Youth--Commentary

The following is a commentary on an article discussing homeless youth and the need for communities to address this issue. It is clear that research is needed to understand more about the extent, causes and consequences of youth homelessness whether the youth has run or been thrown away from home. Drawing on interviews conducted with homeless and runaway youth, this commentary calls for community responsibility directed at locating these youth, acknowledging their presence in communities across the U.S., and developing coordinated multijurisdictional responses that support youth development and build on the strengths that have helped them survive.

What’s Our Responsibility? How Individuals and Organizations Can Proactively Address Human Trafficking

Human trafficking is regarded by Interpol as the second largest and fastest growing criminal industry in the world. This letter is submitted in response to the topic of Human Trafficking addressed in Volume 2, Issue 1. In response to the ever-increasing attention to this problem, various programs focus on the rescue of survivors in anti-trafficking efforts - sometimes overshadowing efforts to prevent human trafficking and rehabilitate those harmed. A comprehensive, responsible approach requires a system of rescue and rehabilitation with a deliberate eye toward prevention. The basic human rights of survivors are at risk of being violated by “so-called rescue missions, despite the good intentions of would-be rescuers.” At the prevention level, a firm human rights approach is needed. When interventions shift their emphasis to prevention and tackle the innate contributors to inequality, then the roots of trafficking and slavery can be firmly extirpated. By taking a thoughtful and vested approach to tackling all areas of trafficking— including prevention, rescue, and rehabilitation—resources can be used more effectively, and communities are likely to have a more extensive impact in the fight against this hideous crime against humanity.

The Texas driver responsibility program: A preliminary analysis of the impact on impaired driving and trauma system funding

Objective. In 2003, the State of Texas instituted the Driver Responsibility Program (TDRP), a program consisting of a driving infraction point system coupled with a series of graded fines and annual surcharges for specific traffic violations such as driving while intoxicated (DWI). Approximately half of the revenues generated are earmarked to be disbursed to the state's trauma system to cover uncompensated trauma care costs. This study examined initial program implementation, the impact of trauma system funding, and initial impact on impaired driving knowledge, attitudes and behaviors. A model for targeted media campaigns to improve the program's deterrence effects was developed. ^ Methods. Data from two independent driver survey samples (conducted in 1999 and 2005), department of public safety records, state health department data and a state auditor's report were used to evaluate the program's initial implementation, impact and outcome with respect to drivers' impaired driving knowledge, attitudes and behavior (based on constructs of social cognitive theory) and hospital uncompensated trauma care funding. Survey results were used to develop a regression model of high risk drivers who should be targeted to improve program outcome with respect to deterring impaired driving. ^ Results. Low driver compliance with fee payment (28%) and program implementation problems were associated with lower surcharge revenues in the first two years ($59.5 million versus $525 million predicted). Program revenue distribution to trauma hospitals was associated with a 16% increase in designated trauma centers. Survey data demonstrated that only 28% of drivers are aware of the TDRP and that there has been no initial impact on impaired driving behavior. Logistical regression modeling suggested that target media campaigns highlighting the likelihood of DWI detection by law enforcement and the increased surcharges associated with the TDRP are required to deter impaired driving. ^ Conclusions. Although the TDRP raised nearly $60 million in surcharge revenue for the Texas trauma system over the first two years, this study did not find evidence of a change in impaired driving knowledge, attitudes or behaviors from 1999 to 2005. Further research is required to measure whether the program is associated with decreased alcohol-related traffic fatalities. ^

African American and Hispanic adolescent STI and pregnancy prevention: Whose responsibility is it, anyway?

This dissertation utilized quantitative and qualitative methods to examine the role of responsibility in the prevention of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and pregnancy through condom use and other sexual behaviors among young adolescents. Data were analyzed across race and gender and three papers were developed. The quantitative portion used logistic regression to assess associations between personal responsibility, as well as other know correlates, and reported condom use and condom use intentions as a means of STI and pregnancy prevention among 445 inner-city, high school adolescents. Responsibility to prevent pregnancy by providing the condom was associated with condom use at last sex and consistent condom use. Responsibility to prevent acquiring a STI by using a condom was significantly associated with consistent condom use. No significant associations were found between responsibility and condom use intentions. ^ The qualitative section of the dissertation project involved conducting 28 in-depth interviews among 9th and 10th grade, African American and Hispanic students who attended a large urban school district in South Central Texas. Perceptions of responsibility for preventing STIs and unintended pregnancy, as well as for condom use, were explored. Male and female adolescents expressed joint responsibility to prevent a STI or pregnancy. Perceptions of responsibility for providing and using the condoms were mixed. Despite the indication of both partners, mostly all participants implied that females, more so than the males, had the final responsibility to prevent contracting a STI, a pregnancy, to provide a condom, and to make sure a condom was used. Participants expressed the role of parents' involvement for preventing these outcomes as well as the need for more sexual health education and access to preventative methods. ^ The last section of this dissertation involved qualitative inquiry to ascertain perceptions of reasons why adolescents engage in anal and oral (non-coital) sex. Pleasure-seeking and giving as well social influence and pressure were described as the main reasons why teenagers have non-coital sex. Other reasons included conveniences of participating in these behaviors such as ease of performing oral sex and anal sex as a convenient alternative to vaginal sex. Sexual inexperience was an indicator for why anal sex occurs. Many of the reasons involved misperceptions and adolescents who practice these sexual behaviors place themselves at-risk for contracting a STI. ^ This dissertation increased the current knowledge base about adolescent sexual responsibility and non-coital behaviors. Future studies should explore perceptions of responsibility and actual sexual activity practices among adolescents to reduce the burden of STIs and pregnancy as well as help public health professionals develop programs for adolescent populations, schools, and communities where these issues persist.^

Oil and gas companies' corporate social responsibility: Policies and HIV initiatives in Nigeria

This dissertation study describes the health and HIV related initiatives of multinational oil and gas companies that operate in Nigeria, perceptions of oil and gas company employees, oil and gas company leaders, and key informants from government, public health, community and the Nigerian business coalition on HIV. A mixed method approach was used. Study participants include employees and leaders that worked for multinational oil and gas companies operating in Nigeria and key informants residing in Nigeria. The oil and gas companies that were sampled all had initiatives in place that were consistent with accepted recommended best practices for companies responding to HIV. All of the companies provided comprehensive health and HIV services to employees and dependents; all had HIV initiatives in the community and had formed partnerships with government or NGO/civil societies. Study participants shared the perception that corporate social responsibility was integral to the oil and gas companies conducting business in Nigeria due to the economic gains of the companies from the country/communities and because of the negative impact that oil and gas exploration activities had on communities. Themes identified that played a role in oil and gas companies' response and how decisions were/should be made were: 'business interest', 'social or government influence', 'pressure to respond', and 'community factors'. The study produced information that can be used to inform and guide oil and gas companies' health and HIV initiatives in Nigeria.^