Perspective transformation: Women in long-term recovery from alcohol abuse

Objective. The purpose of this study was to determine the meaning of personal transformation for twenty women in long term, stable recovery from alcohol abuse; to identify themes or patterns of this recovery, and; to determine the extent to which they experienced the phenomenon of perspective transformation. ^ Method. Volunteers were recruited by advertisement, word of mouth, and through a closed circuit web based broadcast. A descriptive, exploratory study, which analyzed perspective transformation from the standpoint of five action phases, was conducted. Data was collected using in-depth personal interviews and questionnaires. Subjects' responses were analyzed by qualitative methods. Triangulation was performed on the grouped data comparing the interviews to the data produced by the questionnaires. Quantitative analysis of questionnaire items explored behavioral changes experienced before and after alcoholism recovery. ^ Results. Five phases of recovery were identified. Phase I which involved recognition that alcohol was a problem and change might be possible took several years during which 3 major transitions occurred: (1) from often being alienated to having relationships with family and friends; (2) from daily upheavals to eventually a more peaceful existence, and; (3) from denial that alcohol was a problem to acceptance and willingness to change. Recovery was often seen in a spiritual context, which also required ongoing support. During Phase II there was an assessment of self, others, and the environment which revealed a pattern of intense unhappiness and negative feelings toward self and others with a disregard for cultural norms. Phase III revealed a period of desperation as life became unmanageable, but gradual willingness to accept support and guidance and a desire to improve self and help others. This led to improvement of existing role performance and the willingness to try out new roles. In Phase IV there was a pattern of personal growth which included: the establishment of boundaries, setting priorities, a willingness to place others' needs above their own, acceptance of responsibility, and learning to cope without alcohol, often with the use of tools learned in AA. During Phase V, many experienced knowledge of frailties but growing respect for self and others, with an improved ability to function in giving relationships. Implications for Prevention and Recovery: Early education concerning addiction and recovery may play a crucial role in prevention and early recovery, as it did for children of women in this study. Recovery requires persistent effort and organized support. ^

A focused ethnographic study of community social capital

Social capital, a relatively new public health concept, represents the intangible resources embedded in social relationships that facilitate collective action. Current interest in the concept stems from empirical studies linking social capital with health outcomes. However, in order for social capital to function as a meaningful research variable, conceptual development aimed at refining the domains, attributes, and boundaries of the concept are needed. An existing framework of social capital (Uphoff, 2000), developed from studies in India, was selected for congruence with the inductive analysis of pilot data from a community that was unsuccessful at mobilizing collective action. This framework provided the underpinnings for a formal ethnographic research study designed to examine the components of social capital in a community that had successfully mobilized collective action. The specific aim of the ethnographic study was to examine the fittingness of Uphoff's framework in the contrasting American community. A contrasting context was purposefully selected to distinguish essential attributes of social capital from those that were specific to one community. Ethnographic data collection methods included participant observation, formal interviews, and public documents. Data was originally analyzed according to codes developed from Uphoff's theoretical framework. The results from this analysis were only partially satisfactory, indicating that the theoretical framework required refinement. The refinement of the coding system resulted in the emergence of an explanatory theory of social capital that was tested with the data collected from formal fieldwork. Although Uphoff's framework was useful, the refinement of the framework revealed, (1) trust as the dominant attribute of social capital, (2) efficacy of mutually beneficial collective action as the outcome indicator, (3) cognitive and structural domains more appropriately defined as the cultural norms of the community and group, and (4) a definition of social capital as the combination of the cognitive norms of the community and the structural norms of the group that are either constructive or destructive to the development of trust and the efficacy of mutually beneficial collective action. This explanatory framework holds increased pragmatic utility for public health practice and research. ^

Culture and the social context of health inequalities

There has been a great deal of interest and debate recently concerning the linkages between inequality and health cross-nationally. Exposures to social and health inequalities likely vary as a consequence of different cultural contexts. It is important to guide research by a theoretical perspective that includes cultural and social contexts cross-nationally. If inequality affects health only under specific cultural conditions, this could explain why some of the literature that compares different societies finds no evidence of a relationship between inequality and health in certain countries. A theoretical framework is presented that combines sociological theory with constructs from cultural psychology in order to identify pathways that might lead from cultural dimensions to health inequalities. Three analyses are carried out. The first analysis explores whether there is a relationship between cultural dimensions at the societal level and self-rated health at the individual level. The findings suggest that different cultural norms at the societal level can produce both social and health inequalities, but the effects on health may differ depending on the socio-cultural context. The second analysis tests the hypothesis that health is affected by the density of social networks in a society, levels of societal trust, and inequality. The results suggest that commonly used measures of social cohesion and inequality may have both contextual and compositional effects on health in a large number of countries, and that societal measures of social cohesion and inequality interact with individual measures of social participation, trust, and income, moderating their effects on health. The third analysis explores whether value systems associated with vertical individualist societies may lead to health disparities because of their stigmatizing effects. I test the hypothesis that, within vertical individualist societies, subjective well-being will be affected by a social context where competition and the Protestant work ethic are valued, mediated by inequality. The hypothesis was not supported by the available cross-national data, most likely because of inadequate measures, missing data, and the small sample of vertical individualist countries. The overall findings demonstrate that cultural differences are important contextual factors that should not be overlooked when examining the causes of health inequalities. ^