Crack and powder cocaine federal legislation: A sentencing disparity and potential for policy improvement

Since its introduction into the United States in the 1980s, crack cocaine has been a harsh epidemic that has taken its toll on a countless number of people. This highly addictive, cheap and readily available drug of abuse has permeated many demographic sectors, mostly in low income, lesser educated, and urban communities. This epidemic of crack cocaine use in inner city areas across the Unites States has been described as an expression of economic marginality and “social suffering” coupled with the local and international forces of drug market economies (Agar 2003). As crack cocaine is a derivative of cocaine, it utilizes the psychoactive component of the drug, but delivers it in a much stronger, quicker, and more addictive fashion. This, coupled with its ready availability and cheap price has allowed for users to not only become very addicted very quickly, but to be subject to the stringent and sometimes unequal or inconsistent punishments for possession and distribution of crack-cocaine. ^ There are many public health and social ramifications from the abuse of crack-cocaine, and these epidemics appear to target low income and minority groups. Public health issues relating to the physical, mental, and economic strain will be addressed, as well as the direct and indirect effects of the punishments that come as a result of the disparity in penalties for cocaine and crack-cocaine possession and distribution. ^ Three new policies have recently been introduced into the United Stated Congress that actively address the disparity in sentencing for drug and criminal activities. They are, (1) Powder-Crack Cocaine Penalty Equalization Act of 2009, (HR 18, 111th Cong. 2009), (2) The Drug Sentencing Reform and Cocaine Kingpin Trafficking Act of 2009, (HR 265, 111th Cong. 2009) and (3) The Justice Integrity Act of 2009, (111th Cong. 2009). ^ Although they have only been initiated, if passed, they have potential to not only eliminate the crack-cocaine disparity, but to enact laws that help those affected by this epidemic. The final and overarching goal of this paper is to analyze and ultimately choose the ideal policy that would not only eliminate the cocaine and crack disparity regardless of current or future state statutes, but will provide the best method of rehabilitation, prevention, and justice. ^

Patterns of homicide Houston: Texas, 1987

The situational and interpersonal characteristics of homicides occurring in Houston, Texas, during 1987 were investigated. A total of 328 cases were ascertained from the linking of police computer data, medical examiner's records, and death certificate information. The medical examiner's records contained all of the ascertained cases. The comparability ratio between the medical examiner's records and police and vital statistic data was 1.03 and 0.966, respectively. Data inconsistencies were found between the three information sources on Spanish surname, age, race/ethnicity, external cause of death coding, alcohol and drug involvement, weapon/method used, and Hispanic immigration status. Recommendations for improving the quality of homicide information gathered and for linking homicide surveillance systems were made.^ Males constituted 82% of all victims. The age-adjusted homicide rate for Blacks was 31.1 per 100,000 population, for Hispanics 19.2, and for Anglos 5.4. Among males, Blacks had an age-adjusted rate of 54.5, Hispanics, 31.0, and Anglos 7.5. Among females, Blacks had an age-adjusted rate of 9.3, Hispanics 6.1, and Anglos 3.1. Black males, ages 25-34, had the highest homicide rate, at 96.5.^ Half of all homicides occurred in a residence. Among Hispanic males, homicides occurred most often in the street. Firearms were used to commit 64% of the homicides. Arguments preceded 58% of all cases. Nearly two-thirds of the victims knew their assailant. Only 15% of males compared to 62% of females were killed by a spouse, an intimate acquaintance, or a family member. Blacks (93%) and Hispanics (88%) were more likely than Anglos (70%) to have been killed by persons of the same race/ethnicity. Nearly three-fourths of all Houston Hispanic homicide victims were foreign born.^ Alcohol was detected in 47% of the victims tested. Nearly one-third of those tested had blood alcohol concentrations (BACs) greater than 100 mg%. Males (53%) were more likely than females (20%) to have positive BACs. Hispanic males (64%) were more likely to have detectable BACs than either Black (51%) or Anglo (44%) males.^ Illegal drugs were detected in 20% of the victims tested. One-fourth of the victims who tested positive for drugs had more than one drug in their system at death. The stimulant cocaine was the most commonly detected drug, comprising 53% of all illegal drugs identified.^ Recommendations for the primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention of homicide and for future homicide research are made. ^

A critical assessment of the National Institutes of Health Consensus Development Program against the eras which shaped it

This research study offers a critical assessment of NIH's Consensus Development Program (CDP), focusing upon its historical and valuative bases and its institutionalization in response to social and political forces. The analysis encompasses systems-level, as well as interpersonal factors in the adoption of consensus as the mechanism for resolving scientific controversies in clinical practice application. Further, the evolution of the CDP is also considered from an ecological perspective as a reasoned adaptation by NIH to pressures from its supporters and clients for translating biomedical research into medical practice. The assessment examines federal science policy and institutional designs for the inclusion of the public interest and democratic deliberation.^ The study relies on three distinct approaches to social research. Conventional historical methods were utilized in the interpretation of social and political influences across eras on the evolution of the National Institutes of Health and its response to demands for accountability and relevance through its Consensus Development Program. An embedded single-case study was utilized for an empirical examination of the CDP mechanism through five exemplar conferences. Lastly, a sociohistorical approach was taken to the CDP in order to consider its responsiveness to the values of the eras which created and shaped it. An exploration of organizational behavior with considerations for institutional reform as a response to continuing political and social pressure, it is a study of organizational birth, growth, and response to demands from its environment. The study has explanatory import in its attempt to account for the creation, timing, and form of the CDP, relative to political, institutional, and cultural pressures, and predictive import thorough its historical view which provides a basis for informed speculation on the playing out of tensions between extramural and intermural scientists and the current demands for health care reform. ^