Policy analysis of shifting to the state-run Texas women's health program

During the 82nd Texas legislature, state leaders passed a provision stating that healthcare providers, who perform, promote, or affiliate with providers who perform or promote elective abortion services may not be eligible to participate in the Texas Medicaid Women's Health Program (WHP). The federal government reacted to this new provision by vowing to eliminate its 90% share of program support on the grounds that the provision violated a patient's freedom to choose a provider; a right protected by the Social Security Act. Texas leaders stated that the Women's Health Program would continue without federal support, financed exclusively with state funds.^ The following policy analysis compares the projected impact of the current Medicaid Women's Health Program to the proposed state-run program using the criteria-alternative matrix framework. The criteria used to evaluate the program alternatives include population affected, unintended pregnancy and abortion impact, impact on cervical cancer rate, and state-level government expenditures. Each criterion was defined by selected measures. The population affected was measured by the number of women served in the programs. Government expenditures were measured in terms of payments for program costs, Medicaid delivery costs, and cervical cancer diagnostic costs. Unintended pregnancy impact was measured by the number of projected unplanned pregnancies and abortions under each alternative. The impact on cervical cancer was projected in terms of the number of new cervical cancer cases under each alternative. Differences in the projections with respect to each criterion were compared to assess the impact of shifting to the state-only policy.^ After examining program alternatives, it is highly recommended that Texas retain the Medicaid WHP. If the state does decide to move forward with the state-run WHP, it is recommended that the program run at its previous capacity. Furthermore, for the purpose of addressing the relatively high cervical cancer incidence rate in Texas, incorporating HPV vaccination coverage for women ages 18-26 as part of the Women's Health Program is recommended.^

Strange bedfellows: The ethics and politics of medical futility in Texas

Background: Futile medical treatments are interventions that are not associated with a benefit to the patient. The definition and concept of medical futility are controversial. The Texas Advance Directives Act (TADA) was passed in 1999 to address medically inappropriate interventions by allowing providers to withdraw inappropriate interventions against a surrogate decision maker's wishes following a review, attempt to transfer the patient, and 10-day waiting period. The original legislation was a negotiated compromise by players across the political spectrum. However, in recent years there has been increasing controversy regarding TADA and attempts to alter its applicability in Texas. ^ Purpose: The purpose of this project was to apply Paul Sabatier's advocacy coalition framework (ACF) to gain understanding into the historical, ethical, and political basis of the initial compromise, and determine the sources of conflict that have led to increased opposition to TADA. ^ Methods: Using the ACF model, key actors within the medical futility policy debate in Texas were aggregated into coalitions based on shared beliefs. A narrative summary based analysis identified the core elements of the policy subsystem, as well as the constraints and resources of the subsystem actors. Externalities that promoted adjustments to coalition beliefs and tactics used by coalition participants were analyzed. Data sources included review of the published literature regarding medical futility, as well as analysis of published newspaper accounts and editorials regarding the medical futility issue in Texas, legislative testimony, and review of weblogs and online commentaries dealing with the issue. ^ Results: Primary coalition participants in developing compromise legislation in 1999 were the Providers and Vitalists, with Autonomists gaining a prominent role starting in 2006. Internal factors associated with the breakdown of consensus included changes to the makeup of the governing coalition and changes in individual case information available to the Vitalist coalition. Externalities related to the intertwining of the Sun Hudson case and the Terri Schiavo case generated negative publicity for the TADA from progressive and conservative viewpoints. Dissemination of information in various venues regarding contentious cases was associated with more polarization of viewpoints, and realignment of coalition alliances. ^ Conclusions: The ACF provided an outline for the initial compromise over the creation of the Texas Advance Directives Act as well as the eventual loss of consensus. The debate between the Provider, Vitalist, and Autonomist coalitions has been affected by internal policy evolution, changes in the governing coalition, and important externalities. The debate over medical futility in Texas has had much broader implications in the dispute over Health Care Reform.^

Student consumption of a la carte foods during school lunch meals

The purpose of this study was to evaluate students' lunch consumption compared to NSLP guidelines, the contribution of competitive foods to calorie intake at lunch, and the differences in nutrient and food group intake between the a la carte food consumers and non- a la carte food consumers.^ In Fall 2011, 1170 elementary and 440 intermediate students were observed anonymously during school lunch. The foods eaten, their source, grade level, and gender were recorded. All a la carte offerings met the Texas School Nutrition Policy.^ Differences in nutrient and food group intake by grade level and between students who consumed a la carte and those who did not were assessed using ANCOVA. A chi-squared analysis was conducted to evaluate differences in a la carte food consumption by grade level, gender, and the school's low income status.^ Average lunch intakes for elementary students were 457 (SD 164) calories for elementary students and 541 calories (SD 188) for intermediate students (p<0.001). 760 students (47%) consumed 937 a la carte foods, with the most often consumed items being chips (32%), ice cream (22%) and snack items (18%). Mean a la carte food intakes were 60 and 98 calories for elementary and intermediate schools respectively (p<0.001). Significantly more (p<0.000) intermediate students (34.3%) consumed a la carte items compared to elementary students (27.5%).^ Students who consumed a la carte foods had significantly higher intakes of calories (p<0.000), fat (p<0.000), sodium (p<0.002), fiber (p<0.000), added sugar (p<0.000), total grains (p<0.000), dessert foods (p<0.000), and snack chips (p<0.000) and lower intakes of vitamin A (p<0.001), iron (p<0.000), fruit (p<0.022), vegetables (p<0.031), milk (p<0.000), and juice (p<0.000) compared to students who did not eat a la carte foods.^ Although previous studies have found that reducing availability of unhealthy items at school decreased student consumption of these items, the results of this study indicate that even the strict guidelines set forth by the state of Texas are not sufficient to prevent increased caloric intake and poor nutrient intake. Strategies to improve student selection and consumption at school lunch when a la carte foods are available are warranted.^

Comparison of health behaviors of Mexican American and non -Hispanic White females: Implications for health promotion programs

Hispanics form the second-largest minority group in the United States totaling 22 million people. Health data on this population are sparse and inconsistent. This study seeks to determine use of preventative services and risk factor behaviors of Mexican American and non-Hispanic White females residing in South Texas.^ Baseline data from female respondents in household surveys in six South Texas counties (Ramirez and McAlister, 1988; McAlister et al., 1992) were analyzed to test the following hypotheses: (1) Mexican American and Non-Hispanic White females exhibit different patterns of health behaviors; (2) Mexican American females will exhibit different health behaviors regardless of age; and (3) the differences between Mexican American women and non-Hispanic White females are due to education and acculturation factors.^ Over the past decade, the traditional behaviors of Mexican American females have begun to change due to education, acculturation, and their participation in the labor force. The results from this study identify some of the changes that will require immediate attention from health care providers. Results revealed that regardless of ethnicity, age, education, and language preference, non-Hispanic White females were significantly more likely to participate in preventive screening practices than were Mexican American females. Risk factor analysis revealed a different pattern with Mexican American females significantly more likely to be non-smokers, non-alcoholic drinkers, and to have good fat avoidance practices compared to non-Hispanic White females. However, compared to those who are less-educated or Spanish-speaking, Mexican American females with higher levels of education and preference for speaking English only showed positive and negative health behaviors that were more similar to the non-Hispanic White females. The positive health behaviors that come with acculturation, e.g., more participation in preventive care and more physical activity, are welcome changes. But this study has implications for global health development and reinforces a need for "primordial" prevention strategies to deter the unwanted concomitants of economic development and acculturation. Smoking and drinking behaviors among Mexican American females need to be kept at low levels to prevent increased morbidity and premature deaths in this population. ^