57 resultados para Social Welfare Problems
Resumo:
Background. The United Nations' Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 4 aims for a two-thirds reduction in death rates for children under the age of five by 2015. The greatest risk of death is in the first week of life, yet most of these deaths can be prevented by such simple interventions as improved hygiene, exclusive breastfeeding, and thermal care. The percentage of deaths in Nigeria that occur in the first month of life make up 28% of all deaths under five years, a statistic that has remained unchanged despite various child health policies. This paper will address the challenges of reducing the neonatal mortality rate in Nigeria by examining the literature regarding efficacy of home-based, newborn care interventions and policies that have been implemented successfully in India. ^ Methods. I compared similarities and differences between India and Nigeria using qualitative descriptions and available quantitative data of various health indicators. The analysis included identifying policy-related factors and community approaches contributing to India's newborn survival rates. Databases and reference lists of articles were searched for randomized controlled trials of community health worker interventions shown to reduce neonatal mortality rates. ^ Results. While it appears that Nigeria spends more money than India on health per capita ($136 vs. $132, respectively) and as percent GDP (5.8% vs. 4.2%, respectively), it still lags behind India in its neonatal, infant, and under five mortality rates (40 vs. 32 deaths/1000 live births, 88 vs. 48 deaths/1000 live births, 143 vs. 63 deaths/1000 live births, respectively). Both countries have comparably low numbers of healthcare providers. Unlike their counterparts in Nigeria, Indian community health workers receive training on how to deliver postnatal care in the home setting and are monetarily compensated. Gender-related power differences still play a role in the societal structure of both countries. A search of randomized controlled trials of home-based newborn care strategies yielded three relevant articles. Community health workers trained to educate mothers and provide a preventive package of interventions involving clean cord care, thermal care, breastfeeding promotion, and danger sign recognition during multiple postnatal visits in rural India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan reduced neonatal mortality rates by 54%, 34%, and 15–20%, respectively. ^ Conclusion. Access to advanced technology is not necessary to reduce neonatal mortality rates in resource-limited countries. To address the urgency of neonatal mortality, countries with weak health systems need to start at the community level and invest in cost-effective, evidence-based newborn care interventions that utilize available human resources. While more randomized controlled studies are urgently needed, the current available evidence of models of postnatal care provision demonstrates that home-based care and health education provided by community health workers can reduce neonatal mortality rates in the immediate future.^
Resumo:
Objective: To perform a systematic review of the literature on SIDS and SUID deaths concentrated in the African-American community, describe health education and policy recommendations and recommend a new approach that may aid in decreasing the disparity of infant mortality in the African-American community. ^ Methods: The PubMed database was systematically searched to identify relevant articles for final review and analysis. Using the CASP 2006 system to critique literature, twelve articles were found that met inclusion and exclusion criteria. ^ Results: Evidence in the literature confirmed there was a current disparity among African Americans' infant mortality rates in comparison to other US ethnic groups. The underlying reasons for these disparities included the following maternal and infant characteristics: mothers younger than eighteen, having more than one live infant, having a high school education or less, never been married, and have infants born preterm or with low birth weight. Maternal smoking, substance abuse, and breastfeeding did not have a significant impact on infant sleep environments among African Americans. ^ Conclusion: Tailored health education programs at the community level, better access to pre-pregnancy and prenatal care, and increased maternal perception of risk that is relevant to the infants sleeping environment are all possible solutions that may decrease African American infant mortality rates.^
Resumo:
"I don't think we truly understand how to implement. What does it mean to truly implement? Not the command center type that our culture is very good at, but a thorough planned systematic approach" (HP, 9.28.2011). This important question is asked by a clinician who works in a health care setting and who has experienced the implementation of a public policy. This case study applied the lessons learned from three generations of public policy research to a health care setting. As a result of the study an analytical frame was created as a guide to assess an organization's readiness for the implementation of a public policy.^
Resumo:
This study compared initial year trends in prenatal care and birth outcomes of women enrolled in the Texas Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) Perinatal program to trends in Medicaid program women. The study utilized claims data from Community Health Choice (CHC), a health plan in Harris County, Texas that provides coverage to both populations. Quarterly data was analyzed and compared for the first two years of the CHIP Perinatal program (2007-2008) to determine if outcome trends for the CHIP program improved over the outcome trends seen with those enrolled in Medicaid. Study findings indicate an increase in the quarterly prenatal care utilization for the CHIP Perinatal population from 2007 to 2008 and the associated birth weights of babies delivered also had marginal improvements during the same timeframe. Enrollees in Medicaid continued to have overall better outcomes than those enrolled within the CHIP Perinatal program. However, the study showed that the rate of improvement in both prenatal care utilization and birth outcomes were greater for the CHIP Perinatal enrollees than those enrolled in Medicaid. ^ The majority of these improvements were significant when comparing each coverage program and from year to year. Lastly, the study showed that there was a correlation between prenatal care utilization and birth outcomes. However, further analysis of the data could not conclusively indicate that access to prenatal care services provided by the CHIP Perinatal program contributed to the increases observed in utilization and birth outcomes for the study's sample population.^
Resumo:
The federal regulatory regime for addressing airborne toxic pollutants functions fairly well in most of the country. However, it has proved deficient in addressing local risk issues, especially in urban areas with densely concentrated sources. The problem is especially pronounced in Houston, which is home to one of the world's biggest petrochemical complexes and a major port, both located near a large metropolitan center. Despite the fact that local government's role in regulating air toxics is typically quite limited, from 2004-2009, the City of Houston implemented a novel municipality-based air toxics reduction strategy. The initiatives ranged from voluntary agreements to litigation and legislation. This case study considers why the city chose the policy tools it did, how the tools performed relative to the designers' intentions, and how the debate among actors with conflicting values and goals shaped the policy landscape. The city's unconventional approach to controlling hazardous air pollution has not yet been examined rigorously. The case study was developed through reviews of publicly available documents and quasi-public documents obtained through public record requests, as well as interviews with key informants. The informants represented a range of experience and perspectives. They included current and former public officials at the city (including Mayor White), former Texas Commission on Environmental Quality staff, faculty at local universities, industry representatives, and environmental public health advocates. Some of the city's tools were successful in meeting their designers' intent, some were less successful. Ultimately, even those tools that did not achieve their stated purpose were nonetheless successful in bringing attention and resources to the air quality issue. Through a series of pleas and prods, the city managed to draw attention to the problem locally and get reluctant policymakers at higher levels of government to respond. This work demonstrates the potential for local government to overcome limitations in the federal regulatory regime for air toxics control, shifting the balance of local, state, and federal initiative. It also highlights the importance of flexible, cooperative strategies in local environmental protection.^
Resumo:
Birth defects are the leading cause of infant mortality in the United States and are a major cause of lifetime disability. However, efforts to understand their causes have been hampered by a lack of population-specific data. During 1990–2004, 22 state legislatures responded to this need by proposing birth defects surveillance legislation (BDSL). The contrast between these states and those that did not pass BDSL provides an opportunity to better understand conditions associated with US public health policy diffusion. ^ This study identifies key state-specific determinants that predict: (1) the introduction of birth defects surveillance legislation (BDSL) onto states' formal legislative agenda, and (2) the successful adoption of these laws. Secondary aims were to interpret these findings in a theoretically sound framework and to incorporate evidence from three analytical approaches. ^ The study begins with a comparative case study of Texas and Oregon (states with divergent BDSL outcomes), including a review of historical documentation and content analysis of key informant interviews. After selecting and operationalizing explanatory variables suggested by the case study, Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) was applied to publically available data to describe important patterns of variation among 37 states. Results from logistic regression were compared to determine whether the two methods produced consistent findings. ^ Themes emerging from the comparative case study included differing budgetary conditions and the significance of relationships within policy issue networks. However, the QCA and statistical analysis pointed to the importance of political parties and contrasting societal contexts. Notably, state policies that allow greater access to citizen-driven ballot initiatives were consistently associated with lower likelihood of introducing BDSL. ^ Methodologically, these results indicate that a case study approach, while important for eliciting valuable context-specific detail, may fail to detect the influence of overarching, systemic variables, such as party competition. However, QCA and statistical analyses were limited by a lack of existing data to operationalize policy issue networks, and thus may have downplayed the impact of personal interactions. ^ This study contributes to the field of health policy studies in three ways. First, it emphasizes the importance of collegial and consistent relationships among policy issue network members. Second, it calls attention to political party systems in predicting policy outcomes. Finally, a novel approach to interpreting state data in a theoretically significant manner (QCA) has been demonstrated.^
Resumo:
In 2011, expenditures for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) reached an all-time high of $72 billion. The goal of SNAP is " to alleviate hunger and malnutrition…by increasing food purchasing power for all eligible households who apply for participation." It has been well established that proper nutrition is essential to good health, making SNAP an important program to public health consumers. Thus, this analysis examined whether SNAP is meeting its stated goal and whether the goal would be reduced if the purchase of foods of minimal nutritional value (FMNV) were restricted. ^ A review of existing literature found that SNAP has been shown to alleviate hunger, but the studies on the nutritional impact of the program were not sufficient to assert whether change is needed. When considering whether limiting FMNV would reduce or improve the effectiveness of SNAP at alleviating hunger and malnutrition, there is very little information on which to base a policy change, particular one that singles out a low income group to restrict purchases. ^ Several states have attempted to restrict the purchase of FMNV but, to date, no such change has been implemented or tested. Conducting pilot studies on the restriction of FMNV, along with better data collection on SNAP purchases, would guide policy changes to the program. Although there are many potential public health benefits to restricting FMNV purchase using SNAP dollars, research is needed to quantify the cost impact of these benefits.^
Resumo:
During the 82nd Texas legislature, state leaders passed a provision stating that healthcare providers, who perform, promote, or affiliate with providers who perform or promote elective abortion services may not be eligible to participate in the Texas Medicaid Women's Health Program (WHP). The federal government reacted to this new provision by vowing to eliminate its 90% share of program support on the grounds that the provision violated a patient's freedom to choose a provider; a right protected by the Social Security Act. Texas leaders stated that the Women's Health Program would continue without federal support, financed exclusively with state funds.^ The following policy analysis compares the projected impact of the current Medicaid Women's Health Program to the proposed state-run program using the criteria-alternative matrix framework. The criteria used to evaluate the program alternatives include population affected, unintended pregnancy and abortion impact, impact on cervical cancer rate, and state-level government expenditures. Each criterion was defined by selected measures. The population affected was measured by the number of women served in the programs. Government expenditures were measured in terms of payments for program costs, Medicaid delivery costs, and cervical cancer diagnostic costs. Unintended pregnancy impact was measured by the number of projected unplanned pregnancies and abortions under each alternative. The impact on cervical cancer was projected in terms of the number of new cervical cancer cases under each alternative. Differences in the projections with respect to each criterion were compared to assess the impact of shifting to the state-only policy.^ After examining program alternatives, it is highly recommended that Texas retain the Medicaid WHP. If the state does decide to move forward with the state-run WHP, it is recommended that the program run at its previous capacity. Furthermore, for the purpose of addressing the relatively high cervical cancer incidence rate in Texas, incorporating HPV vaccination coverage for women ages 18-26 as part of the Women's Health Program is recommended.^
Resumo:
Objectives: This study included two overarching objectives. Through a systematic review of the literature published between 1990 and 2012, the first objective aimed to assess whether insuring the uninsured would result in higher costs compared to insuring the currently insured. Studies that quantified the actual costs associated with insuring the uninsured in the U.S. were included. Based upon 2009 data from the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS), the second objective aimed to assess and compare the self-reported health of populations with four different insurance statuses. The second part of this study involved a secondary data analysis of both currently insured and currently uninsured individuals who participated in the MEPS in 2009. The null hypothesis was that there were no differences across the four categories of health insurance status for self-reported health status and healthcare service use. The alternative hypothesis was that were differences across the four categories of health insurance status for self-reported health status and healthcare service use. Methods: For the systematic review, three databases were searched using search terms to identify studies that actually quantified the cost of insuring the uninsured. Thirteen studies were selected, discussed, and summarized in tables. For the secondary data analysis of MEPS data, this study compared four categories of health insurance status: (1) currently uninsured persons who will become eligible for Medicaid under the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) healthcare reforms in 2014; (2) currently uninsured persons who will be required to buy private insurance through the PPACA health insurance exchanges in 2014; (3) persons currently insured under Medicaid or SCHIP; and (4) persons currently insured with private insurance. The four categories were compared on the basis of demographic information, health status information, and health conditions with relatively high prevalence. Chi-square tests were run to determine if there were differences between the four groups in regard to health insurance status and health status. With some exceptions, the two currently insured groups had worse self-reported health status compared to the two currently uninsured groups. Results: The thirteen studies that met the inclusion criteria for the systematic review included: (1) three cost studies from 1993, 1995, and 1997; (2) four cost studies from 2001, 2003, and 2004; (3) one study of disabilities and one study of immigrants; (4) two state specific studies of uninsured status; and (5) two current studies of healthcare reform. Of the thirteen studies reviewed, four directly addressed the study question about whether insuring the uninsured was more or less expensive than insuring the currently insured. All four of the studies provided support for the study finding that the cost of insuring the uninsured would generally not be higher than insuring those already insured. One study indicated that the cost of insuring the uninsured would be less expensive than insuring the population currently covered by Medicaid, but more expensive to insure than the populations of those covered by employer-sponsored insurance and non-group private insurance. While the nine other studies included in the systematic review discussed the costs associated with insuring the uninsured population, they did not directly compare the costs of insuring the uninsured population with the costs associated with insuring the currently insured population. For the MEPS secondary data analysis, the results of the chi-square tests indicated that there were differences in the distribution of disease status by health insurance status. As anticipated, with some exceptions, the uninsured reported lower rates of disease and healthcare service use. However, for the variable attention deficit disorder, the uninsured reported higher disease rates than the two insured groups. Additionally, for the variables high blood pressure, high cholesterol, and joint pain, the currently insured under Medicaid or SCHIP group reported a lower rate of disease than the two currently insured groups. This result may be due to the lower mean age of the currently insured under Medicaid or SCHIP group. Conclusion: Based on this study, with some exceptions, the costs for insuring the uninsured should not exceed healthcare-related costs for insuring the currently uninsured. The results of the systematic review indicated that the U.S. is already paying some of the costs associated with insuring the uninsured. PPACA will expand health insurance coverage to millions of Americans who are currently uninsured, as the individual mandate and insurance market reforms will require. Because many of the currently uninsured are relatively healthy young persons, the costs associated with expanding insurance coverage to the uninsured are anticipated to be relatively modest. However, for the purposes of construing these results, it is important to note that once individuals obtain insurance, it is anticipated that they will use more healthcare services, which will increase costs. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)^
Resumo:
Background: Futile medical treatments are interventions that are not associated with a benefit to the patient. The definition and concept of medical futility are controversial. The Texas Advance Directives Act (TADA) was passed in 1999 to address medically inappropriate interventions by allowing providers to withdraw inappropriate interventions against a surrogate decision maker's wishes following a review, attempt to transfer the patient, and 10-day waiting period. The original legislation was a negotiated compromise by players across the political spectrum. However, in recent years there has been increasing controversy regarding TADA and attempts to alter its applicability in Texas. ^ Purpose: The purpose of this project was to apply Paul Sabatier's advocacy coalition framework (ACF) to gain understanding into the historical, ethical, and political basis of the initial compromise, and determine the sources of conflict that have led to increased opposition to TADA. ^ Methods: Using the ACF model, key actors within the medical futility policy debate in Texas were aggregated into coalitions based on shared beliefs. A narrative summary based analysis identified the core elements of the policy subsystem, as well as the constraints and resources of the subsystem actors. Externalities that promoted adjustments to coalition beliefs and tactics used by coalition participants were analyzed. Data sources included review of the published literature regarding medical futility, as well as analysis of published newspaper accounts and editorials regarding the medical futility issue in Texas, legislative testimony, and review of weblogs and online commentaries dealing with the issue. ^ Results: Primary coalition participants in developing compromise legislation in 1999 were the Providers and Vitalists, with Autonomists gaining a prominent role starting in 2006. Internal factors associated with the breakdown of consensus included changes to the makeup of the governing coalition and changes in individual case information available to the Vitalist coalition. Externalities related to the intertwining of the Sun Hudson case and the Terri Schiavo case generated negative publicity for the TADA from progressive and conservative viewpoints. Dissemination of information in various venues regarding contentious cases was associated with more polarization of viewpoints, and realignment of coalition alliances. ^ Conclusions: The ACF provided an outline for the initial compromise over the creation of the Texas Advance Directives Act as well as the eventual loss of consensus. The debate between the Provider, Vitalist, and Autonomist coalitions has been affected by internal policy evolution, changes in the governing coalition, and important externalities. The debate over medical futility in Texas has had much broader implications in the dispute over Health Care Reform.^
Resumo:
The purpose of this study was to evaluate students' lunch consumption compared to NSLP guidelines, the contribution of competitive foods to calorie intake at lunch, and the differences in nutrient and food group intake between the a la carte food consumers and non- a la carte food consumers.^ In Fall 2011, 1170 elementary and 440 intermediate students were observed anonymously during school lunch. The foods eaten, their source, grade level, and gender were recorded. All a la carte offerings met the Texas School Nutrition Policy.^ Differences in nutrient and food group intake by grade level and between students who consumed a la carte and those who did not were assessed using ANCOVA. A chi-squared analysis was conducted to evaluate differences in a la carte food consumption by grade level, gender, and the school's low income status.^ Average lunch intakes for elementary students were 457 (SD 164) calories for elementary students and 541 calories (SD 188) for intermediate students (p<0.001). 760 students (47%) consumed 937 a la carte foods, with the most often consumed items being chips (32%), ice cream (22%) and snack items (18%). Mean a la carte food intakes were 60 and 98 calories for elementary and intermediate schools respectively (p<0.001). Significantly more (p<0.000) intermediate students (34.3%) consumed a la carte items compared to elementary students (27.5%).^ Students who consumed a la carte foods had significantly higher intakes of calories (p<0.000), fat (p<0.000), sodium (p<0.002), fiber (p<0.000), added sugar (p<0.000), total grains (p<0.000), dessert foods (p<0.000), and snack chips (p<0.000) and lower intakes of vitamin A (p<0.001), iron (p<0.000), fruit (p<0.022), vegetables (p<0.031), milk (p<0.000), and juice (p<0.000) compared to students who did not eat a la carte foods.^ Although previous studies have found that reducing availability of unhealthy items at school decreased student consumption of these items, the results of this study indicate that even the strict guidelines set forth by the state of Texas are not sufficient to prevent increased caloric intake and poor nutrient intake. Strategies to improve student selection and consumption at school lunch when a la carte foods are available are warranted.^
Resumo:
Hispanics form the second-largest minority group in the United States totaling 22 million people. Health data on this population are sparse and inconsistent. This study seeks to determine use of preventative services and risk factor behaviors of Mexican American and non-Hispanic White females residing in South Texas.^ Baseline data from female respondents in household surveys in six South Texas counties (Ramirez and McAlister, 1988; McAlister et al., 1992) were analyzed to test the following hypotheses: (1) Mexican American and Non-Hispanic White females exhibit different patterns of health behaviors; (2) Mexican American females will exhibit different health behaviors regardless of age; and (3) the differences between Mexican American women and non-Hispanic White females are due to education and acculturation factors.^ Over the past decade, the traditional behaviors of Mexican American females have begun to change due to education, acculturation, and their participation in the labor force. The results from this study identify some of the changes that will require immediate attention from health care providers. Results revealed that regardless of ethnicity, age, education, and language preference, non-Hispanic White females were significantly more likely to participate in preventive screening practices than were Mexican American females. Risk factor analysis revealed a different pattern with Mexican American females significantly more likely to be non-smokers, non-alcoholic drinkers, and to have good fat avoidance practices compared to non-Hispanic White females. However, compared to those who are less-educated or Spanish-speaking, Mexican American females with higher levels of education and preference for speaking English only showed positive and negative health behaviors that were more similar to the non-Hispanic White females. The positive health behaviors that come with acculturation, e.g., more participation in preventive care and more physical activity, are welcome changes. But this study has implications for global health development and reinforces a need for "primordial" prevention strategies to deter the unwanted concomitants of economic development and acculturation. Smoking and drinking behaviors among Mexican American females need to be kept at low levels to prevent increased morbidity and premature deaths in this population. ^