Understanding mental illness in Nigeria: Bringing culture and traditional medicine into mental health policy

One of the major challenges in treating mental illness in Nigeria is that the health care facilities and mental health care professionals are not enough in number or well equipped to handle the burden of mental illness. There are several barriers to treatment for individual Nigerians which include the following: such as the lack of understanding of the root causes of mental illness, lack of financial support to get mental treatment, lack of social support (family, friends, neighbors), the fear of stigmatization concerning being labeled as mentally ill or being in association with the mentally ill, and the consultation of traditional native healers who may be unknowingly prolonging illness, rather than addressing and treating them due to lack of formal education and standardization of their treatments. Another barrier is the non-health nature of the mental health services in Nigeria. Traditional healers are essentially the mental health system. The elderly, women, and children are the most vulnerable groups in times of strife and hardships. Their mental well-being must be taken into account as well as their special needs in times of personal or societal crisis. ^ Nigerian mental health policy is geared toward forming a mental health system, but in actuality only a mental illness care system is the observed result of the policy. The government of Nigeria has drafted a mental health policy, yet its actual implementation into the Nigerian health infrastructure and society waits to be materialized. The limited health legislation or policy implementations tend to favor those who have access to these urban areas and the facilities' health services. Nigerians living in rural areas are at a disadvantage; many of them may not even be aware of services available to help them understand and treat mental illness. Perhaps, government driven health interventions geared toward mental illness in rural areas would reach an underserved Nigerians and Africans in general. Issues with political instability and limited infrastructure often hinder crucial financial resources and legislation from reaching the people that are truly in need of governmental leadership in regards to mental health policy.^ Traditional healers are a severely untapped resource in the treatment of mental illness within the Nigerian population. They are abundant within Nigerian communities and are meeting a real need for the mentally ill. However, much can be done to remove the barriers that prevent the integration of traditional healers within the mental health system and improve the quality of care they administer within the population. Mental illness is almost exclusively coped with through traditional medicine practices. Mobilization and education from each strata of Nigerian society and government as well as input from the medical community can improve how traditional medicine is utilized as a treatment for clinical illness and help alleviate the heavy burden of mental illness in Nigeria. Currently, there is no existing policy making structure for a working mental health system in Nigeria, and traditional healers are not taken into account in any formulation of mental health policy. Advocacy for mental illness is severely inadequate due to fear of stigmatization, with no formally recognized national of regional mental health association.^

Mexican Americans' awareness, knowledge, and beliefs of hypertension

Cardiovascular disease (CVD) is the number one cause of death for people in Texas as well as Mexico. The progressive morbidity and mortality of CVD can be prevented initially and controlled through regular health screenings or visits to the physician where health markers such as hypertension can be detected and treated. Yet, many people go unaware of existing hypertension not only due to lack of access to health care but to their own personal beliefs, ideas, or perceived barriers that prevent them from seeking preventative health care. ^ The main purpose of this study was to evaluate whether individuals of Mexican origin, who have some form of medical coverage, posses more knowledge, more perceived severity, less perceived barriers, and greater self-efficacy in regards to hypertension than those individuals who have no medical coverage. This was done by addressing the following specific aims: 1.To evaluate the association between individuals who have health care coverage and those who do not have health care coverage in regards to their beliefs of hypertension; 2. To evaluate if there exists a variation among the respondents demographic data and their beliefs of hypertension. ^ The total number of respondents were 150; with 75 being from Cuidad Juarez, and 75 being from El Paso, Texas. The results indicated that the individuals with some form of medical coverage perceived themselves to be more susceptible to suffering a cardiac event or developing heart disease than those who had no form of medical coverage. The individuals with some form of health care coverage also found themselves having less perceived barriers than those who had no health care coverage. The level of education seemed to have some association with individuals perceiving themselves as being susceptible to experiencing a cardiac event if they do not control their hypertension. Regarding self-efficacy, or the self-reported confidence in performing certain behaviors to controlling hypertension, those individuals who perceived themselves as having no self-efficacy had a lower level of education, compared to those who did perceive themselves as possessing self-efficacy. The findings of this study indicate that beliefs regarding hypertension and medical coverage are variables that need to be investigated further for individuals in the El Paso and Cuidad Juarez region. ^

The illness experiences of African Americans residing in an inner city community, Houston, Texas

This dissertation documents health and illness in the context of daily life circumstances and structural conditions faced by African American families living in Clover Heights (pseudonym), an inner city public housing project in the Third Ward, Houston, Texas. Drawing from Kleinman's (1980) model of culturally defined health care systems and using the holistic-content approach to narrative analysis (Lieblich, Tuval- Mashiach, & Zilber, 1998) the purpose of this research was to explore the ways in which social and health policy, economic mobility, the inner city environment, and cultural beliefs intertwined with African American families' health related ideas, behaviors, and practices. I recruited six families using a convenience sampling method (Schensul, Schensul, & LeCompte, 1999) and followed them for fourteen months (2010–2011). Family was defined as a household unit, or those living in the same residence, short or long-term. Single, African American women ranging in age from 29–80 years headed all families. All but one family included children or grandchildren 18 years of age and younger, or children or other relative 18 years of age and older. I also recruited six residents with who I became acquainted over the course of the project. I collected data using traditional ethnographic methods including participant-observation, archive review, field notes, mapping, free-listing, in-depth interviews, and life history interviews. ^ Doing ethnography afforded the families who participated in this project the freedom to construct their own experiences of health and illness. My role centered on listening to, learning from, and interpreting participants' narratives, exploring similarities and differences within and across families' experiences. As the research progressed, a pattern concerning diagnosis and pharmacotherapy for children's behavioral and emotional problems, particularly attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and pediatric bipolar disorder (PBD), emerged from my formal interactions with participants and my informal interactions with residents. The findings presented in this dissertation document this pattern, focusing on how mothers and families interpreted, organized, and ascribed meaning to their experiences of ADHD and PBD. ^ In the first manuscript presented here, I documented three mothers' narrative constructions of a child's diagnosis with and pharmacotherapy for ADHD or PBD. Using Gergen's (1997) relational perspective I argued that mothers' knowledge and experiences of ADHD and PBD were not individually constructed, but were linguistically and discursively constituted through various social interactions and relationships, including family, spirituality and faith, community norms, and expert systems of knowledge. Mothers' narratives revealed the complexity of children's behavioral and emotional problems, the daily trials of living through these problems, how they coped with adversity and developed survival strategies, and how they interacted with various institutional authorities involved in evaluating, diagnosing, and encouraging pharmaceutical intervention for children's behavior. The findings highlight the ways in which mothers' social interactions and relationships introduced a scientific language and discourse for explaining children's behavior as mental illness, the discordances between expert systems of knowledge and mothers' understandings, and how discordances reflected mothers' ‘microsources of power’ for producing their own stories and experiences. ^ In the second manuscript presented here, I documented the ways in which structural factors, including gender, race/ethnicity, and socioeconomic status, coupled with a unique cultural and social standpoint (Collins, 1990/2009) influenced the strategies this group of African American mothers employed to understand and respond to ADHD or PBD. The most salient themes related to mother-child relationships coalesced around mothers' beliefs about the etiology of ADHD and PBD, ‘conceptualizing responsibility,’ and ‘protection-survival.’ The findings suggest that even though mothers' strategies varied, they were in pursuit of a common goal. Mothers' challenged the status quo, addressing children's behavioral and emotional problems in the ways that made the most sense to them, specifically protecting their children from further marginalization in society more so than believing these were the best options for their children.^

Sociocultural context of knowledge and beliefs about cardiovascular disease among Latino women

We formed an academic-community partnership with the Salsa Caliente program to undertake a project to better understand how Latina women with cardiovascular disease (CVD) or at risk of CVD view and understand CVD. This study's research question examines the sociocultural factors that influence and inform Latino women's perceptions and beliefs about CVD. Seven out the eleven participants in the Salsa Caliente program consented to be interviewed. The data was collected through recorded interviews, which were transcribed and then analyzed for common themes found among all the participants' narratives. The content analysis looking into common themes yielded four: 1) increased awareness of CVD, 2) trust in doctor, 3) delay in doctor visits, and 4) awareness of health. Implications for interventions and further research are discussed.^