Adult weight gain and risk of colon cancer in men

Previous research supports the hypothesis that a "rich" diet (i.e., high in fat and low in fiber) increases the risk of colon cancer. Previous research also supports the hypothesis that physical inactivity increases the risk of colon cancer, perhaps because physical inactivity decreases gut motility, thereby increasing tee time that carcinogens are in contact with the intestinal mucosa. Habitual physical inactivity, combined with rich diet, ordinarily results in chronic energy imbalance and gain in weight, except when energy balance is modified by disease or factors such as cigarette smoking. Cigarette smokers typically stay lean because of effects of smoking on the resting metabolic rate as well as on efficiency of caloric intake and storage. Therefore, if physical inactivity and rich diet do increase the risk of colon cancer, then weight gain during young adulthood should be positively associated with incidence of colon cancer during later life, especially in nonsmokers.^ This hypothesis was investigated in a cohort of 2,059 randomly selected middle-aged men who were employed at the Western Electric Company in Chicago and were free of clinically diagnosed cancer at initial examination in 1958. Body mass index (BMI) in middle age was calculated from measured height and weight at the initial examination. BMI at age 20 was estimated from weight at age 20 as recalled at the initial examination and height as measured at the initial examination. Change in BMI between age 20 and middle age was estimated by subtracting the BMI at 20 from the BMI in middle age. Forty-nine incident cases of colon cancer were detected during 25 years (43,326 person-years) at risk. When stratified by level of change in BMI from age 20 to middle age ($\le$1.9, 2.0-3.9, 4.0-5.9, $\ge$6.0 kg/m$\sp2$), age-adjusted relative hazards of colon cancer in never-smokers were 1.00, 1.22, 2.31, and 5.01, respectively (p for trend = 0.008); corresponding values in ever-smokers were 1.00, 0.95, 0.77, and 0.87, These associations did not change appreciably after further adjustment for BMI at age 20, subscapular-triceps skinfold ratio, cigarette smoking, consumption of alcohol, energy, fat, and calcium.^ We also investigated the hypothesis that the risk of colon cancer was higher in men who were lean at age 20 and became fat by middle age (lean-to-fat) than in men who were fat at age 20 and stayed fat in middle-age (fat-to-fat). "Lean" was defined as BMI $<$24 kg/m$\sp2$ at age 20 and as BMI $<$27.0 kg/m$\sp2$ in middle age. Among never-smokers, in comparison to men who were lean at age 20 and in middle age (lean-to-lean), the age-adjusted relative hazard of colon cancer was 1.43 in the fat-to-fat group (95% confidence interval (CI) 0.37-5.52) and 3.36 in the lean-to-fat group (95% CI 1.21-9.37). This investigation provides new results on the magnitude of risk of colon cancer associated with weight gain during adulthood (from age 20 to middle age). This relation was obscured or underestimated in previous studies due to effect-modification by cigarette smoking. Finally, the result supports the idea that a life-style characterized by chronic energy imbalance during young adulthood increases risk of colon cancer. ^

RESPIRATORY COMPENSATION MECHANISMS IN THE UPPER AND LOWER RESPIRATORY TRACTS OF AN ANIMAL MODEL AFTER SUBCHRONIC INHALATION EXPOSURE TO FORMALDEHYDE: IMPLICATIONS FOR TOXICOLOGY RISK ASSESSMENT (DEPOSITION, DOSE RECEIVED, RESPONSE)

The potential for significant human populations to experience long-term inhalation of formaldehyde and reports of symptomatology due to this exposure has led to a considerable interest in the toxicologic assessment of risk from subchronic formaldehyde exposures using animal models. Since formaldehyde inhalation depresses certain respiratory parameters in addition to its other forms of toxicity, there is a potential for the alteration of the actual dose received by the exposed individual (and the resulting toxicity) due to this respiratory effect. The respiratory responses to formaldehyde inhalation and the subsequent pattern of deposition were therefore investigated in animals that had received subchronic exposure to the compound, and the potential for changes in the formaldehyde dose received due to long-term inhalation evaluated. Male Sprague-Dawley rats were exposed to either 0, 0.5, 3, or 15 ppm formaldehyde for 6 hours/day, 5 days/week for up to 6 months. The patterns of respiratory response, deposition and the compensation mechanisms involved were then determined in a series of formaldehyde test challenges to both the upper and to the lower respiratory tracts in separate groups of subchronically exposed animals and age-specific controls (four concentration groups, two time points). In both the control and pre-exposed animals, there was a characteristic recovery of respiratory parameters initially depressed by formaldehyde inhalation to at or approaching pre-exposure levels within 10 minutes of the initiation of exposure. Also, formaldehyde deposition was found to remain very high in the upper and lower tracts after long-term exposure. Therefore, there was probably little subsequent effect on the dose received by the exposed individual that was attributable to the repeated exposures. There was a diminished initial minute volume response in test challenges of both the upper and lower tracts of animals that had received at least 16 weeks of exposure to 15 ppm, with compensatory increases in tidal volume in the upper tract and respiratory rate in the lower tract. However, this dose-related effect was probably not relevant to human risk estimation because this formaldehyde dose is in excess of that experienced by human populations. ^

Risk and protective factors associated with depression among racial and ethnic mothers of adolescents

The central paradigm linking disadvantaged social status and mental health has been the social stress model (Horwitz, 1999), the assumption being that individuals residing in lower social status groups are subjected to greater levels of stress not experienced by individuals from higher status groups. A further assumption is that such individuals have fewer resources to cope with stress, in turn leading to higher levels of psychological disorder, including depression (Pearlin, 1989). Despite these key assumptions, there is a dearth of literature comparing the social patterning of stress exposure (Hatch & Dohrenwend, 2007; Meyer, Schwartz, & Frost, 2008; Kessler, Mickelson, & Williams, 1999; Turner & Avison, 2003; Turner & Lloyd, 1999; Turner, Wheaton, & Lloyd, 1995), and the distribution and contribution of protective factors, posited to play a role in the low rates of depression found among African- and Latino-Americans (Alegria et al., 2007; Breslau, Aguilar-Gaxiola, Kendler, Su, Williams, & Kessler, 2006; Breslau, Borges, Hagar, Tancredi, Gilman, 2009; Gavin, Walton, Chae, Alegria, Jackson, & Takeuchi, 2010; Williams, & Neighbors, 2006). Thus, this study sought to describe both the distribution and contribution of risk and protective factors in relation to depression among a sample of African-, European-, and Latina-American mothers of adolescents, including testing a hypothesized mechanism through which social support, an important protective factor specific to women and depression, operates. ^ Despite the finding that the levels of depression were not statistically different across all three groups of women, surprising results were found in describing the distribution of both risk and protective factors, in that results reported among all women who were mothers when analyzed masked differences within each ethnic group when SES was assessed, a point made explicit by Williams (2002) regarding racial and ethnic variations in women's health. In the final analysis, while perceived social support was found to partially mediate the effect of social isolation on depression, among African-Americans, the direct effect of social isolation and depression was lower among this group of women, as was the indirect effect of social isolation and perceived social support when compared to European- and Latina-American mothers. Or, put differently, higher levels of social isolation were not found to be as associated with more depression or lower social support among African-American mothers when compared to their European- and Latina-American counterparts. ^ Women in American society occupy a number of roles, i.e., that of being female, married or single, mother, homemaker or employee. In addition, to these roles, ethnicity and SES also come into play, such that the intersection of all these roles and the social contexts that they occupy are equally important and must be taken into consideration when making predictions drawn from the social stress model. Based on these findings, it appears that the assumptions of the social stress model need to be revisited to include the variety of roles that intersect among individuals from differing social groups. More specifically, among women who are mothers and occupy a myriad of other roles, i.e., that of being female, married or single, African- or Latina-American, mother, homemaker or employee, the intersection of all the roles and the social contexts that women occupy are equally important and must be taken into consideration when looking at both the types and distribution of stressors across women. Predictions based on simple, mutually exclusive categories of social groups may lead to erroneous assumptions and misleading results.^