The illness experiences of African Americans residing in an inner city community, Houston, Texas

This dissertation documents health and illness in the context of daily life circumstances and structural conditions faced by African American families living in Clover Heights (pseudonym), an inner city public housing project in the Third Ward, Houston, Texas. Drawing from Kleinman's (1980) model of culturally defined health care systems and using the holistic-content approach to narrative analysis (Lieblich, Tuval- Mashiach, & Zilber, 1998) the purpose of this research was to explore the ways in which social and health policy, economic mobility, the inner city environment, and cultural beliefs intertwined with African American families' health related ideas, behaviors, and practices. I recruited six families using a convenience sampling method (Schensul, Schensul, & LeCompte, 1999) and followed them for fourteen months (2010–2011). Family was defined as a household unit, or those living in the same residence, short or long-term. Single, African American women ranging in age from 29–80 years headed all families. All but one family included children or grandchildren 18 years of age and younger, or children or other relative 18 years of age and older. I also recruited six residents with who I became acquainted over the course of the project. I collected data using traditional ethnographic methods including participant-observation, archive review, field notes, mapping, free-listing, in-depth interviews, and life history interviews. ^ Doing ethnography afforded the families who participated in this project the freedom to construct their own experiences of health and illness. My role centered on listening to, learning from, and interpreting participants' narratives, exploring similarities and differences within and across families' experiences. As the research progressed, a pattern concerning diagnosis and pharmacotherapy for children's behavioral and emotional problems, particularly attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and pediatric bipolar disorder (PBD), emerged from my formal interactions with participants and my informal interactions with residents. The findings presented in this dissertation document this pattern, focusing on how mothers and families interpreted, organized, and ascribed meaning to their experiences of ADHD and PBD. ^ In the first manuscript presented here, I documented three mothers' narrative constructions of a child's diagnosis with and pharmacotherapy for ADHD or PBD. Using Gergen's (1997) relational perspective I argued that mothers' knowledge and experiences of ADHD and PBD were not individually constructed, but were linguistically and discursively constituted through various social interactions and relationships, including family, spirituality and faith, community norms, and expert systems of knowledge. Mothers' narratives revealed the complexity of children's behavioral and emotional problems, the daily trials of living through these problems, how they coped with adversity and developed survival strategies, and how they interacted with various institutional authorities involved in evaluating, diagnosing, and encouraging pharmaceutical intervention for children's behavior. The findings highlight the ways in which mothers' social interactions and relationships introduced a scientific language and discourse for explaining children's behavior as mental illness, the discordances between expert systems of knowledge and mothers' understandings, and how discordances reflected mothers' ‘microsources of power’ for producing their own stories and experiences. ^ In the second manuscript presented here, I documented the ways in which structural factors, including gender, race/ethnicity, and socioeconomic status, coupled with a unique cultural and social standpoint (Collins, 1990/2009) influenced the strategies this group of African American mothers employed to understand and respond to ADHD or PBD. The most salient themes related to mother-child relationships coalesced around mothers' beliefs about the etiology of ADHD and PBD, ‘conceptualizing responsibility,’ and ‘protection-survival.’ The findings suggest that even though mothers' strategies varied, they were in pursuit of a common goal. Mothers' challenged the status quo, addressing children's behavioral and emotional problems in the ways that made the most sense to them, specifically protecting their children from further marginalization in society more so than believing these were the best options for their children.^

Black/white disparities in infant mortality rates in the U.S.: A quality of care perspective

The infant mortality rate for non-Hispanic Black infants in the U.S. is 13.63 deaths per 1,000 live births while the IMR for non-Hispanic White persons in the U.S. is 5.76 deaths per 1,000 live births. Black women are 2 times as likely as White women to deliver preterm infants and Black women are 2 times as likely as White women to deliver low birth weight infants (weighing less than 2,500 grams at birth). Differential underlying risk factors among mothers of different racial/ethnic groups for delivering pre-term and low birth weight infants have been historically accepted as the cause of racial disparities in IMRs. However, differential underlying risk status may not be the only major causative factor. Differential or unequal access to and provision of care is widely speculated to be a leading contributing factor to the wide racial disparity in infant mortality.2 This paper conducts a systematic review of existing literature investigating racial disparities in obstetrical care provided by healthcare practitioners to evaluate whether inequities in healthcare services provided to pregnant mothers and their neonates exist. The search terms "racial disparities obstetrical care," "racial differences quality of prenatal care," and "infant mortality racial disparities" were entered into the EBSCO Medline, Ovid Medline, PubMed, and Academic Search Complete databases, and articles between years 1990–2011 were selected for abstract review. The only articles included were those that used statistical methods to assess whether racial inequalities were present in the obstetrical services provided to pregnant women. My literature search returned 5 articles. Four of the five studies yielded significant racial differences in obstetrical care. However, the one study that used a large, nationally representative valid sample did not represent significant differences. Thus, this review provides initial evidence for racial disparities in obstetrical care, but concludes that more studies are needed in this area. Not all of the studies reviewed were consistent in the use and measurement of services, and not all studies were significant. The policy and public health implications of possible racial disparities in obstetrical care include the need to develop standard of care protocols for ALL obstetrical patients across the United States to minimize and/or eliminate the inequities and differences in obstetrical services provided.^