Il razzismo della prosperità nell’Europa contemporanea - Riflessioni a margine del pensiero antirazzista di Walter Lorenz

Recent publishing on the migration phenomena in the communitarian and globalized Europe, puts in evidence a fundamental racism which is capable of making cultural processes grow and feed both chaos and social disorder. As a matter of fact we are approaching the ending debates on multicultural citizenship as well as on solidary integration and antiracism. Since the appearing of these phenomena, namely the huge post colonial migration in the nineteen-eighties, by which the colonized countries became almost “emigrant nurseries”, one could expect their stabilization. On the contrary, globalization and migration (twin subjects) everywhere still produce, at various levels, social disturbances together with some chauvinistic limitations as an ultimate kind of western prosperity defense. The peculiar European features of this new racism, less than ideological (superiority, homogeneity and civilizing mission), are confined to the concepts of patriotism, inequality and exclusion. In these terms one can understand why the new economic expansionism and the quest for new world markets makes European policies unstable, which remain undecided between conservatism, liberalism and extreme right. All this explains at least two things: the existing ambiguities of some European policies aiming to enhance particular forms of protectionism, and the difficulties in which the antiracist thought seems to be embedded. Indeed, according to what Walter Lorenz has already made clear, by using a well founded methodology, which prevents any fruitless protestations, it is impossible to contrast racism and nationalism. In such context, the educational field should try to use an operative epistemology. In other words the antiracist thought should dispose of competences and skills and, especially, personal and reflective capabilities. All this in order to avoid that which, in different historical scenes, permit the revival of the sense of moral opprobrium could not be identified with the political alibi to maintain privileges as well as advantages for the exclusive benefit of wealthy countries.

Gefälschte Identität oder Sehnsucht nach Exotik

Auch im Kopieren fremder Vorbilder bleibt Architektur auf technische, materielle und ökonomische Aspekte der Gesellschaft bezogen, in der sie entsteht. Dies unterscheidet "Immobilien"-Architekturen von Produkten, die weltweit verschickt und gehandelt werden. Die Übernahme westlicher, aber auch eigener historischer Architekturvorbilder im chinesischen Immobilenmarkt ist insofern ein Anzeiger für spezifische Bedürfnisse und für ein spezielles Verständnis von Kopie. Die Vermarktung westlicher Architekturkopien ist die Inszenierung einer als fortschrittlich empfunden Lebenswelt, die sich aus dem Umfeld der allgemeinen Entwicklung abhebt und damit exotisch und begehrenswert wirkt. Dabei kommt zum Tragen, dass Architektur in China traditionell nicht als Kunst angesehen, sondern in den Zünften der Handwerker weitergegeben wurde. Das kommunistische Regime tat über Jahrzehnte ein übriges zur Anonymisierung der Entwurfspraxis. Erst seit den letzten Jahren entwickelt sich in China eine Architekturszene, die sowohl die eigene Tradition wie die globale Entwicklung im Blickfeld hat.

Democracy Concepts of the Fundamentalist Parties of Algeria and Tunisia – Claim and Reality

This article discusses democratic elements in early Islamic sources and in the programs of the Algerian FIS (Front Islamique du Salut) and ANNAHDA in Tunesia. According to historic writings, Islam includes the principles of democratic consensus, consultation, and freedom of opinion, and an understanding that the sources of Islamic jurisdiction are subject to interpretation, that the sharia can be changed, and that religious authorities’ power to issue instructions on worldly matters is limited. These are the type of expectations that fundamentalist parties arouse when they speak of an Islamic caliphate as a state system. Against this background, an examination of the political system proposed until 1992 by the Algerian FIS shows that this system would have resulted in a very restrictive form of Islam. An investigation of the political system of the Tunisian fundamentalist leader Rached al-Ghannouchi reveals that the system he proposes may be designated as an Islamic democracy, since it takes into account separation of powers and pluralism of political parties. The head of state would be subject to the law in the same manner as the people. However, it is no liberal democracy, as he categorically rejects secularism, intends to punish apostates, and is only willing to allow political parties that are based on the religion of Islam. His state would only be a state of those citizens who follow Islam, completely neglecting secularist groups. Social conflicts and unrest are thus predetermined.