7 resultados para non-state policing

em Bucknell University Digital Commons - Pensilvania - USA


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Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.

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The Medicare Catastrophic Coverage Act (MCCA) would have mandated federal assistance for Medicare beneficiaries who have high annual prescription medication costs, High national expenditures for such drugs have encouraged the development of private and state insurance programs to help with these costs. Ten state pharmaceutical assistance programs (SPAPs), designed to help certain elderly, low income, or disabled people, exist for those ineligible for Medicaid or unable to purchase coverage privately. Coordination of state and federal benefits was a consideration for established programs, and programs being planned needed to determine the feasibity of integration of federal assistance. But the enactment and subsequent appeal of the Act affected both planning and policy implications for these SPAPs. All U.S. states and territories were surveyed before the bill's repeal to collect data on the effects of MCCA for those with prescription drug programs and those without. The repeal of the federal program places pressure on the nonprogram states to proceed, perhaps more cautiously, to initiate program; for their own residents, given increasing out-of-pocket and insurance costs, and no federal program.

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Energy in a multipartite quantum system appears from an operational perspective to be distributed to some extent non-locally because of correlations extant among the system's components. This non-locality allows users to transfer, in effect, locally accessible energy between sites of different system components by local operations and classical communication (LOCC). Quantum energy teleportation is a three-step LOCC protocol, accomplished without an external energy carrier, for effectively transferring energy between two physically separated, but correlated, sites. We apply this LOCC teleportation protocol to a model Heisenberg spin particle pair initially in a quantum thermal Gibbs state, making temperature an explicit parameter. We find in this setting that energy teleportation is possible at any temperature, even at temperatures above the threshold where the particles' entanglement vanishes. This shows for Gibbs spin states that entanglement is not fundamentally necessary for energy teleportation; correlation other than entanglement can suffice. Dissonance-quantum correlation in separable states-is in this regard shown to be a quantum resource for energy teleportation, more dissonance being consistently associated with greater energy yield. We compare energy teleportation from particle A to B in Gibbs states with direct local energy extraction by a general quantum operation on B and find a temperature threshold below which energy extraction by a local operation is impossible. This threshold delineates essentially two regimes: a high temperature regime where entanglement vanishes and the teleportation generated by other quantum correlations yields only vanishingly little energy relative to local extraction and a second low-temperature teleportation regime where energy is available at B only by teleportation.

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Towards the goal of investigating the possible Twisted Intramolecular Charge Transfer (TICT) state mechanism of fluorescence emission, two aromatic dicyanovinyl compounds, 2-(naphthalene-2-ylmethylene) malononitrile (DCN) and a rigidified analogue, 3,4-dihydrophenanthren-1(2H)-ylidene)malononitrile (RDCN) were synthesized and their absorption and steady-state fluorescence emission spectra characterized. The spectral characterization was divided into two studies: first, DCN and RDCN were characterized in liquid solvents of increasing polarity; second, DCN and RDCN were characterized in viscous solvents and rigid glass media. The absorption spectra for both DCN and RDCN in all solvents demonstrated little to no solvatochromism. Emission results for DCN and RDCN in liquid solvents of increasing polarity showed DCN possessing strong solvatochromism while RDCN showed much less solvatochromism. Using the Lippert-Mataga equation, the difference between the ground and excited state dipole moment for DCN was estimated to be 8.4 + 0.4 Debye and between ~3.0 to 5.0 Debye for RDCN. Quantum yield measurements for DCN and RDCN in hexane, diethyl ether and acetonitrile were less than 0.01 and independent of polarity for both both solvents, with DCN generally possessing a quantum yield 3-4 times greater than RDCN. Experiments in glass media for DCN and RDCN showed a lessening of their solvatochromic character in both polar and non-polar glasses. These data provide strong evidence for a link between molecular flexibility and solvatochromism. However, while these data are consistent with a TICT state hypothesis for the emission mechanism, an alternative mechanism proposed by Maroncelli et al.10 involving rotation about the dicyanovinyl double bond in the excited state remains a possibility as well.

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The United States¿ Federal and State laws differentiate between acceptable (or, legal) and unacceptable (illegal) behavior by prescribing restrictive punishment to citizens and/or groups that violate these established rules. These regulations are written to treat every person equally and to fairly serve justice; furthermore, the sanctions placed on offenders seek to reform illegal behavior through limitations on freedoms and rehabilitative programs. Despite the effort to treat all offenders fairly regardless of social identity categories (e.g., sex, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, ability, and gender and sexual orientation) and to humanely eliminate illegal behavior, the American penal system perpetuates de facto discrimination against a multitude of peoples. Furthermore, soaring recidivism rates caused by unsuccessful re-entry of incarcerated offenders puts economic stress on Federal and State budgets. For these reasons, offenders, policy-makers, and law-abiding citizens should all have a vested interest in reforming the prison system. This thesis focuses on the failure of the United States corrections system to adequately address the gender-specific needs of non-violent female offenders. Several factors contribute to the gender-specific discrimination that women experience in the criminal justice system: 1) Trends in female criminality that skew women¿s crime towards drug-related crimes, prostitution, and property offenses; 2) Mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes that are disproportionate to the crime committed; 3) So-called ¿gender-neutral¿ educational, vocational, substance abuse, and mental health programming that intends to equally rehabilitate men and women, but in fact favors men; and 4) The isolating nature of prison structures that inhibits smooth re-entry into society. I argue that a shift in the placement and treatment of non-violent female offenders is necessary for effective rehabilitation and for reducing recidivism rates. The first component of this shift is the design and implementation of gender- responsive treatment (GRT) rather than gender-neutral approaches in rehabilitative programming. The second shift is the utilization of alternatives to incarceration, which provide both more humane treatment of offenders and smoother reintegration to society. Drawing on recent scholarship, information from prison advocacy organizations, and research with men in an alternative program, I provide a critical analysis of current policies and alternative programs, and suggest several proposals for future gender- responsive programs in prisons and in place of incarceration. I argue that the expansion of gender-responsive programming and alternatives to incarceration respond to the marginalization of female offenders, address concerns about the financial sustainability of the United States criminal justice system, and tackle high recidivism rates.

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A number of state-level pharmaceutical assistance programs have been established as a result of the growing recognition of the role of pharmaceuticals in the long-term care of the elderly. However, existing research does not provide a coherent expectation for patterns of use by rural and urban elderly. The data for this analysis are drawn from a larger study of the Pennsylvania Pharmaceutical Assistance Contract for the Elderly (PACE). PACE provides prescription medicines for elderly who meet income requirements. The research project was designed to assess the characteristics of PACE program participants and non-participants on a wide range of issues. Chi-square analysis and regression models were used to assess the association between rural and urban residence and access to the PACE Program. The results indicate that rural/urban status of the elderly is not a significant predictor of the use of PACE. Other traditional variables (e.g., health self-rating and physician visits) did predict difference in the pattern of use.

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In order to put Pennsylvania's Pharmaceutical Assistance Contract for the Elderly (PACE) Program in a national context, a nationwide mail survey and telephone follow-up to each of the 58 State Unit Directors on Aging in the United States and its territories identified 10 programs. The results reported in this article are specific to the seven state-level pharmaceutical assistance programs which were in operation during the fiscal year 1984-85. In general, the programs varied on select program characteristics and on their efforts to address major policy issues. Data from the non-program states indicated support, legislative efforts, and a high interest in fiscal concerns. The findings reflect a lack of program uniformity and have implications for program development and implementation. Suggestions on how to identify the "optimum" or best combination of program and policy options are discussed.