3 resultados para discretionary trusts and powers

em Bucknell University Digital Commons - Pensilvania - USA


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A careful study of Siam's public monuments is the key to understanding the development of the Siamese nation in its formative period, from 1908 to 1945. As Siam's elites attempted to modernize the state in order to compete with the more developed powers of the West, they recognized that nationalism could potentially be used as a force to increase popular unity, consolidate modernization programs, legitimize their own authority, and protect the country from foreign conquest. The problem they faced, however, was how best to communicate nationalism to the people. Different factions throughout this era had their own idea of what it meant to be Siamese, and all of them wanted to control the national image. But literacy in Siam was extremely low, and art too expensive for most individuals to possess. Public political monuments, the focus of this thesis, therefore became the primary means of manifesting and propagating the underlying tenets of the new Siamese nation. Public monuments express the changing imaginings of the Siamese nation in this period of enormous transformations and turbulence, through the motives behind their commissioning, the political messages they convey, and popular reactions to the monuments. Three primary strains of Siamese nationalism emerged during this period: royalist nationalism, republican nationalism, and military nationalism. These three imaginings of the nation continually developed and interacted with each other, but each was particularly dominant at a given time in Siamese history. Monuments of the royalist period (1908-1925) embody the desire of Siam's kings to not only promote national pride amongst the Siamese people, but also advocate an image of nation and king as one. Monuments of the republican period (1925-1939) express the changing and sometimes contradictory events of their times, as they demonstrate new national values based on the sovereignty of the people, the value of the constitution, and the growing power of the military. And monuments of the military period (1939-1945) espouse an assertive and militaristic national image of warfare, patriotism, authority, and vigor. This thesis explores the nationalistic themes expressed in these monuments, and how these themes played out in the course of Siam's wider history.

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The general dopamine agonist apomorphine has been shown to have mostly facilitative effects on sexual behavior in rodents (Domingues & Hull, 2005; Bitran & Hull, 1987). A study looking at the effectsof apomorphine on sexual behavior in male golden hamsters observed that after systemic injections of apomorphine the males became aggressive towards the estrous females (Floody, unpublished). Studies on aggressive behavior have shown that apomorphine has facilitative effects on aggression in rodents (Nelson & Trainor, 2007; van Erp & Miczek, 2000; Ferrari, van Erp, Tornatzky, & Miczek, 2003). The studies presented here attempt to unravel the effects that apomorphine has on sexual and aggressive behavior in male golden hamsters. Studies 1, 2, 3, and 4 focused on the effects of apomorphine on aggression and Study 5 focused on the effects of apomorphine on sexual behavior. It was important for the purposes ofthis study to have separate, specific measures of aggression and sexual behavior that did not involve a social context that would involve multiple behaviors and motivations. The measure used to assessaggression was flank marking behavior. The measure used to assess sexual behavior was the number of vocalizations in response to sexual stimuli. The results from Studies 1, 2, and 3 suggested thatapomorphine increased aggressive motivation in a dose-dependent manner. In Studies 1 and 2 there was a high occurrence of stereotyped cheek pouching that interfered with the flank marking behavior. In Study 3 the procedure was modified to prevent cheek pouching and flank marking was observed uninhibited. Study 5 suggested a decrease in vocalizations after apomorphine treatment. However, this decrease may have been a result of the increase in stereotyped licking behavior. Results suggested that systemic apomorphine treatments increase aggressive motivation in hamsters. The increase in aggressive motivation may confuse the perception of the sensory signals that the males receive from the estrous females. They may haveperceived the estrous female as a nonestrous female which they would normally associate with an aggressive interaction (Lehman, Powers, & Winans, 1983).

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Today, crude oil remains a vital resource all around the world. This non-renewable resource powers countries worldwide. Besides serving as an energy source, crude oil is also the most important component for different world economies, especially in developing countries. Ecuador, a small member of the OPEC oil cartel, presents a case where its economy is oil dependent. A great percentage of the country¿s GDP and government¿s budget comes from oil revenues. Ecuador has always been a primary exporter of raw materials. In the last centuries, the country experienced three important economic booms: cacao, bananas, and, ultimately, crude oil. In this sense, the country has not been able to fully industrialize and begin to export manufactured goods, i.e., Ecuador suffers from the Dutch disease. The latter has deterred Ecuador from achieving broad-based economic development. Given crude oil¿s importance for the Ecuadorian economy, the government has always tried to influence the oil industry in search of profits and benefits. Therefore, this thesis, explores the question: how and to what extent have political interventions affected the oil industry in Ecuador from 1990 until March 2014? In general, this thesis establishes an economic history context during the last twenty-four years, attempting to research how political interventions have shaped Ecuador¿s oil industry and economy. In the analysis, it covers a period where political instability prevailed, until Rafael Correa became president. The thesis examines Ecuador¿s participation in OPEC, trying to find explanations as to why the country voluntarily left the organization in 1992, only to rejoin in 2007 when Correa rose to power. During the ¿Revolución Ciudadana¿ period, the thesis researches reforms to the Law of Hydrocarbons, variations in the relations with other nations, the controversy surrounding the Yasuní-ITT oil block, and the ¿Refinería del Pacífico¿ construction. The thesis is an Industrial Organization detailed case study that analyzes, updates, and evaluates the intersection of economics and politics in Ecuador¿s crude oil industry during the last 24 years. In this sense I have consulted past theses, newspaper articles, books, and other published data about the petroleum industry, both from a global and Ecuadorian perspective. In addition to published sources, I was able to interview sociologists, public figures, history and economics academics, and other experts, accessing unique unpublished data about Ecuador¿s oil industry. I made an effort to collect information that shows the private and public side of the industry, i.e., from government-related and independent sources. I attempted to remain as objective as possible to make conclusions about the appropriate Industrial Organization policy for Ecuador¿s oil industry, addressing the issue from an economic, social, political, and environmental point of view. I found how Ecuador¿s political instability caused public policy to fail, molding the conduct and market structure of the crude oil industry. Throughout history, developed nations have benefited from low oil prices, but things shifted since oil prices began to rise, which is more beneficial for the developing nations that actually possess and produce the raw material. Nevertheless, Ecuador, a victim of the Dutch disease due to its heavy reliance on crude oil as a primary product, has not achieved broad-based development.