Parent-Child Dynamics and Emerging Adult Religiosity: Attachment, Parental Beliefs, and Faith Support

Parental religiosity has been shown to predict child and adolescent religiosity, but the role of parents in emerging adult religiosity is largely unknown. We explored associations among emerging adult religiosity, perceived parental religiosity, perceived similarity to mother's and to father's religious beliefs, parental faith support, and parental attachment. Participants were 481 alumni of two Christian colleges and completed surveys online. Emerging adult religiosity (measured by Christian orthodoxy and intrinsic religiosity) was high and similar to parents' religiosity. Perceived similarity to parents' religious beliefs, faith support, and attachment to fathers predicted emerging adult religiosity. However, parental religiosity alone was a weak predictor and functioned as a negative suppressor variable when combined with similarity to parents' beliefs and faith support. Findings underscore the importance of parental support and parent-child relationship dynamics more than the level of parental religiosity and point to possibly unique roles for mothers and fathers in emerging adult religiosity.

Mother-Child Spiritual Discourse: A Mixed Methods Study

Parents and children, starting at very young ages, discuss religious and spiritual issues¿where we come from, what happens to us after we die, is there a God, and so on. Unfortunately, few studies have analyzed the content and structure of parent-child conversation about religion and spirituality (Boyatzis & Janicki, 2003; Dollahite & Thatcher, 2009), and most studies have relied on self-report with no direct observation. The current study examined mother-child (M-C) spiritual discourse to learn about its content, structure, and frequency through a survey inventory in combination with direct video observation using a novel structured task. We also analyzed how mothers¿ religiosity along several major dimensions related to their communication behaviors within both methods. Mothers (N = 39, M age = 40) of children aged 3-12 completed a survey packet on M-C spiritual discourse and standard measures of mothers¿ religious fundamentalism, intrinsic religiosity, sanctification of parenting (how much the mother saw herself as doing God¿s work as a parent), and a new measure of parental openness to children¿s spirituality. Then, in a structured task in our lab, mothers (N = 33) and children (M age = 7.33) watched a short film or read a short book that explored death in an age-appropriate manner and then engaged in a videotaped conversation about the movie or book and their religious or spiritual beliefs. Frequency of M-C spiritual discourse was positively related to mothers¿ religious fundamentalism (r = .71, p = .00), intrinsic religiosity (r = .77, p = .00), and sanctification of parenting (r = .79, p = .00), but, surprisingly, was inversely related to mothers¿ v openness to child¿s spirituality (r = -.52, p = .00). Survey data showed that the two most common topics discussed were God (once a week) and religion as it relates to moral issues (once a week). According to mothers their children¿s most common method of initiating spiritual discourse was to repeat what he or she has heard parents or family say about religious issues (M = 2.97; once a week); mothers¿ most common method was to describe their own religious/spiritual beliefs (M = 2.92). Spiritual discourse most commonly occurred either at bedtime or mealtime as reported by 26% of mothers, with the most common triggers reported as daily routine/random thoughts (once a week) and observations of nature (once a week). Mothers¿ most important goals for spiritual discourse were to let their children know that they love them (M = 3.72; very important) and to help them become a good and moral person (M = 3.67; very important). A regression model showed that significant variance in frequency of mother-child spiritual discourse (R2 = .84, p = .00) was predicted by the mothers¿ importance of goals during discourse (ß = 0.46, p = .00), frequency that the mother¿s spirituality was deepened through spiritual discourse (ß = 0.39, p = .00), and the mother¿s fundamentalism (ß = 0.20, p = .05). In a separate regression, the mother¿s comfort in the structured task (ß = 0.70, p = .00), and the number of open-ended questions she asked (ß = -0.26, p = .03) predicted the reciprocity between mother and child (R2 = .62, p = .00). In addition, the mother¿s age (ß = 0.22, p = .059) and comfort during the task (ß = 0.73, p = .00) predicted the child¿s engagement within the structured task. Other findings and theoretical and methodological implications will be discussed.

Coping With a Family Member's Death: Parenting, Religiosity, and Parent-Child Communication

The present study had three major aims. First, this study was a basic descriptive exploration of the frequency and nature of parent-child communication about death. Second, this study conducted a quantitative analysis to identify predictors of communication and bereaved children¿s emotional and behavioral problems. Third, this study was also a qualitative analysis of parents¿ descriptions of how religious views shape conversations about death and how conversations are beneficial. Based on prior research, it was predicted that positive child outcomes would be associated with parental warmth, religiosity, adaptive coping, positive religious coping, and frequent parent-child communication about death. Conversely, it was predicted that negative child outcomes would be associated with parental psychological control, maladaptive coping, negative religious coping, and less frequent parent-child communication about death. Additionally, it was hypothesized that parents¿ religious and spiritual views would shape parent-child communication about death, and parents would describe numerous benefits of discussing death with children. Parents completed a series of survey measures assessing their religiosity, coping strategies, parent-child communication about death, and their children¿s emotional and behavioral symptoms. Almost 80% of parent-child dyads discussed death at least once a week, and children initiated approximately half of these conversations. Parent-child communication about death was predicted by parents¿ warmth toward and acceptance of their children and inversely predicted by children¿s hyperactivity and social problem solving. Higher levels of children¿s social problem solving could predict lower frequency of parent-child communication about death if children were holding frequent, meaningful, and comforting conversations with friends and other adults. Higher levels of parents¿ psychological control predicted more emotional and behavioral problems in the child. Parents¿ adaptive coping had significant relationships with all of the dimensions of parent-child communication about death. Qualitative analyses revealed that parents perceived their religious beliefs as shaping conversations about death and grief as an individualized journey. A majority of parents described the emotional, social, and intellectual benefits of holding parent-child conversations about death. This study contributes to the literature by further describing parent-child communication about death, identifying its predictors, and investigating parents¿ religiosity and coping strategies in relation to child well-being. Overall, this study revealed the importance of assessing global parenting characteristics (i.e., warmth/acceptance and psychological control) when examining parent-child relationships and communication about death. Furthermore, this unique study illustrates the value of qualitative data when examining parent-child communication about death and religiosity.