2 resultados para Forum non conveniens (Right) - Quebec (Province)

em Bucknell University Digital Commons - Pensilvania - USA


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Detrital zircon and igneous zircon U-Pb ages are reported from Proterozoic metamorphic rocks in northern New Mexico. These data give new insight into the provenance and depositional age of a >3-km-thick metasedimentary succession and help resolve the timing of orogenesis within an area of overlapping accretionary orogens and thermal events related to the Proterozoic tectonic evolution of southwest Laurentia. Three samples from the Paleoproterozoic Vadito Group yield narrow, unimodal detrital zircon age spectra with peak ages near 1710 Ma. Igneous rocks that intrude the Vadito Group include the Cerro Alto metadacite, the Picuris Pueblo granite, and the Penasco quartz monzonite and yield crystallization ages of 1710 +/- 10 Ma, 1699 +/- 3 Ma, and 1450 +/- 10 Ma, respectively. Within the overlying Hondo Group, a metamorphosed tuff layer from the Pilar Formation yields an age of 1488 +/- 6 Ma and represents the first direct depositional age constraint on any part of the Proterozoic metasedimentary succession in northern New Mexico. Detrital zircon from the overlying Piedra Lumbre Formation yield a minimum age peak of 1475 Ma, and similar to 60 grains (similar to 25%) yield ages between 1500 Ma and 1600 Ma, possibly representing non-Laurentian detritus originating from Australia and/or Antarctica. Detrital zircons from the basal metaconglomerate and the middle quartzite member of the Marquenas Formation yield minimum age peaks of 1472 Ma and 1471 Ma, consistent with earlier results. We interpret the onset of ca. 1490-1450 Ma deposition followed by tectonic burial, regional Al2SiO5 triple-point metamorphism, and ductile deformation at depths of 12-18 km to reflect a Mesoproterozoic contractional orogenic event, possibly related to the final suturing of the Mazatzal crustal province to the southern margin of Laurentia. We propose to call this event the Picuris orogeny.

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Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.