"Flirts and Other "Voluptuous Tyrants":Wollstonecraft, Rousseau and the Politics of Desire"

For the 18th and 19th centuries, flirtation was largely understood to be the symptom of a woman’s uncontrollable (and innate) sexual appetite. Any woman who questioned its cultural operations, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, was accused of being simultaneously sexually inappropriate in her interests, as well as prudish in her denial of feminine desire as a legitimate expression of a woman’s character. What this talk will argue, however, is that, for Wollstonecraft, the flirt is a fundamentally masculine figure who engages not in a struggle over desire, but rather in a struggle for power based on monarchical politics of the Ancien Regime.

We Did It Our Way: Motivations, Satisfactions, and Accomplishments of Senior Academic Women

In a survey of senior academic women whose careers began around 1970, over half of the 98 respondents cited the desire to serve or make a difference and sought personal fulfillment in their work. Most saw men’s motivations as dissimilar, typically as more self-interested and competitive. Despite generally high satisfaction, dissatisfaction with time pressure/workload and with support was common. Satisfactions and accomplishments overlapped. Frequently mentioned were teaching, scholarship, and their discipline, especially by faculty, and programmatic accomplishments, especially by administrators. Many respondents mentioned helping women; many mentioned a collaborative, nurturing style as integral to their success and as different from their typical male colleagues. Context is provided by the metaphor of immigration (Martin, 1997, 2000), the concept of ambivalent sexism (Krefting, 2003; Glick & Fiske, 1999), and recent work on women and leadership by Eagly and colleagues (e.g., Eagly, 2005; Eagly & Carli, 2007).

Eros and Transgression in an Age of Immanence: Georges Bataille’s (Religious) Critique of Kinsey

This paper explores the religious implications of eroticism in Western culture since the Sexual Revolution, a period at once applauded for its open and immanent view of sexuality and denounced for its shamelessness and promiscuity. After discussing the work and effects of Alfred C. Kinsey, the father of the Sexual Revolution, I focus on a critical appraisal of Kinsey written by French theorist Georges Bataille (“Kinsey, the Underworld and Work,” in L’Erotisme, 1957). Bataille situates contemporary Western sexuality within a larger historical movement towards the “desacralization” of all aspects of human life: sex, under the scientific gaze of the Kinsey team, became simply another “object” to be analyzed and classified, and “good” sex defined solely in terms of frequency and explosiveness of orgasm. For many, including Hugh Hefner, this approach to sex occasioned a refreshing awakening from the long dark night of Victorian sexual repression. However, as Bataille’s protégé Foucault has shown, the scientific approach to sexuality often masks a desire to control and delimit sexual behaviour, not “liberate” it. Moreover, Bataille makes the point that the desacralization of sexuality denudes sex of a vital component—eroticism—which is necessary for real pleasure and ecstasy. Beyond the “moral” critiques one often hears leveled against Kinsey and his work, Bataille provides a “religious” critique, one that stands, perhaps surprisingly, on the “near side” of sexuality.

Parameters of Reform and Unification in Modern Japanese Buddhist Thought: Murakami Senshō and Critical Buddhism

Reform is a word that, one might easily say, characterizes more than any other the history and development of Buddhism. Yet, it must also be said that reform movements in East Asian Buddhism have often taken on another goal—harmony or unification; that is, a desire not only to reconstruct a more worthy form of Buddhism, but to simultaneously bring together all existing forms under a single banner, in theory if not in practice. This paper explores some of the tensions between the desire for reform and the quest for harmony in modern Japanese Buddhism thought, by comparing two developments: the late 19th century movement towards ‘New Buddhism’ (shin Bukkyō) as exemplified by Murakami Senshō 村上専精 (1851–1929), and the late 20th century movement known as ‘Critical Buddhism’ (hihan Bukkyō), as found in the works of Matsumoto Shirō 松本史朗 and Hakamaya Noriaki 袴谷憲昭. In all that has been written about Critical Buddhism, in both Japanese and English, very little attention has been paid to the place of the movement within the larger traditions of Japanese Buddhist reform. Here I reconsider Critical Buddhism in relation to the concerns of the previous, much larger trends towards Buddhist reform that emerged almost exactly 100 years previous—the so-called shin Bukkyō or New Buddhism of the late-Meiji era. Shin Bukkyō is a catch-all term that includes the various writings and activities of Inoue Enryō, Shaku Sōen, and Kiyozawa Manshi, as well as the so-called Daijō-hibussetsuron, a broad term used (often critically) to describe Buddhist writers who suggested that Mahāyāna Buddhism is not, in fact, the Buddhism taught by the ‘historical’ Buddha Śākyamuni. Of these, I will make a few general remarks about Daijō-hibusseturon, before turning attention more specifically to the work of Murakami Senshō, in order to flesh out some of the similarities and differences between his attempt to construct a ‘unified Buddhism’ and the work of his late-20th century avatars, the Critical Buddhists. Though a number of their aims and ideas overlap, I argue that there remain fundamental differences with respect to the ultimate purposes of Buddhist reform. This issue hinges on the implications of key terms such as ‘unity’ and ‘harmony’ as well as the way doctrinal history is categorized and understood, but it also relates to issues of ideology and the use and abuse of Buddhist doctrines in 20th-century politics.

Public Monuments and the Development of Siamese Nationalism, 1908-1945

A careful study of Siam's public monuments is the key to understanding the development of the Siamese nation in its formative period, from 1908 to 1945. As Siam's elites attempted to modernize the state in order to compete with the more developed powers of the West, they recognized that nationalism could potentially be used as a force to increase popular unity, consolidate modernization programs, legitimize their own authority, and protect the country from foreign conquest. The problem they faced, however, was how best to communicate nationalism to the people. Different factions throughout this era had their own idea of what it meant to be Siamese, and all of them wanted to control the national image. But literacy in Siam was extremely low, and art too expensive for most individuals to possess. Public political monuments, the focus of this thesis, therefore became the primary means of manifesting and propagating the underlying tenets of the new Siamese nation. Public monuments express the changing imaginings of the Siamese nation in this period of enormous transformations and turbulence, through the motives behind their commissioning, the political messages they convey, and popular reactions to the monuments. Three primary strains of Siamese nationalism emerged during this period: royalist nationalism, republican nationalism, and military nationalism. These three imaginings of the nation continually developed and interacted with each other, but each was particularly dominant at a given time in Siamese history. Monuments of the royalist period (1908-1925) embody the desire of Siam's kings to not only promote national pride amongst the Siamese people, but also advocate an image of nation and king as one. Monuments of the republican period (1925-1939) express the changing and sometimes contradictory events of their times, as they demonstrate new national values based on the sovereignty of the people, the value of the constitution, and the growing power of the military. And monuments of the military period (1939-1945) espouse an assertive and militaristic national image of warfare, patriotism, authority, and vigor. This thesis explores the nationalistic themes expressed in these monuments, and how these themes played out in the course of Siam's wider history.

Decomposing Blaschke Products And Polynomials

The goal of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of complex polynomials and Blaschke products, two very important function classes in mathematics. For a polynomial, $f,$ of degree $n,$ we study when it is possible to write $f$ as a composition $f=g\circ h$, where $g$ and $h$ are polynomials, each of degree less than $n.$ A polynomial is defined to be \emph{decomposable }if such an $h$ and $g$ exist, and a polynomial is said to be \emph{indecomposable} if no such $h$ and $g$ exist. We apply the results of Rickards in \cite{key-2}. We show that $$C_{n}=\{(z_{1},z_{2},...,z_{n})\in\mathbb{C}^{n}\,|\,(z-z_{1})(z-z_{2})...(z-z_{n})\,\mbox{is decomposable}\},$$ has measure $0$ when considered a subset of $\mathbb{R}^{2n}.$ Using this we prove the stronger result that $$D_{n}=\{(z_{1},z_{2},...,z_{n})\in\mathbb{C}^{n}\,|\,\mbox{There exists\,}a\in\mathbb{C}\,\,\mbox{with}\,\,(z-z_{1})(z-z_{2})...(z-z_{n})(z-a)\,\mbox{decomposable}\},$$ also has measure zero when considered a subset of $\mathbb{R}^{2n}.$ We show that for any polynomial $p$, there exists an $a\in\mathbb{C}$ such that $p(z)(z-a)$ is indecomposable, and we also examine the case of $D_{5}$ in detail. The main work of this paper studies finite Blaschke products, analytic functions on $\overline{\mathbb{D}}$ that map $\partial\mathbb{D}$ to $\partial\mathbb{D}.$ In analogy with polynomials, we discuss when a degree $n$ Blaschke product, $B,$ can be written as a composition $C\circ D$, where $C$ and $D$ are finite Blaschke products, each of degree less than $n.$ Decomposable and indecomposable are defined analogously. Our main results are divided into two sections. First, we equate a condition on the zeros of the Blaschke product with the existence of a decomposition where the right-hand factor, $D,$ has degree $2.$ We also equate decomposability of a Blaschke product, $B,$ with the existence of a Poncelet curve, whose foci are a subset of the zeros of $B,$ such that the Poncelet curve satisfies certain tangency conditions. This result is hard to apply in general, but has a very nice geometric interpretation when we desire a composition where the right-hand factor is degree 2 or 3. Our second section of finite Blaschke product results builds off of the work of Cowen in \cite{key-3}. For a finite Blaschke product $B,$ Cowen defines the so-called monodromy group, $G_{B},$ of the finite Blaschke product. He then equates the decomposability of a finite Blaschke product, $B,$ with the existence of a nontrivial partition, $\mathcal{P},$ of the branches of $B^{-1}(z),$ such that $G_{B}$ respects $\mathcal{P}$. We present an in-depth analysis of how to calculate $G_{B}$, extending Cowen's description. These methods allow us to equate the existence of a decomposition where the left-hand factor has degree 2, with a simple condition on the critical points of the Blaschke product. In addition we are able to put a condition of the structure of $G_{B}$ for any decomposable Blaschke product satisfying certain normalization conditions. The final section of this paper discusses how one can put the results of the paper into practice to determine, if a particular Blaschke product is decomposable. We compare three major algorithms. The first is a brute force technique where one searches through the zero set of $B$ for subsets which could be the zero set of $D$, exhaustively searching for a successful decomposition $B(z)=C(D(z)).$ The second algorithm involves simply examining the cardinality of the image, under $B,$ of the set of critical points of $B.$ For a degree $n$ Blaschke product, $B,$ if this cardinality is greater than $\frac{n}{2}$, the Blaschke product is indecomposable. The final algorithm attempts to apply the geometric interpretation of decomposability given by our theorem concerning the existence of a particular Poncelet curve. The final two algorithms can be implemented easily with the use of an HTML

Representations of the Human/ Nonhuman Primate Divide: the Influence of Science, Fiction, and Science-Fiction on the Concept of 'Being Human'

For as far back as human history can be traced, mankind has questioned what it means to be human. One of the most common approaches throughout Western culture's intellectual tradition in attempts to answering this question has been to compare humans with or against other animals. I argue that it was not until Charles Darwin's publication of The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex (1871) that Western culture was forced to seriously consider human identity in relation to the human/ nonhuman primate line. Since no thinker prior to Charles Darwin had caused such an identity crisis in Western thought, this interdisciplinary analysis of the history of how the human/ nonhuman primate line has been understood focuses on the reciprocal relationship of popular culture and scientific representations from 1871 to the Human Genome Consortium in 2000. Focusing on the concept coined as the "Darwin-Müller debate," representations of the human/ nonhuman primate line are traced through themes of language, intelligence, and claims of variation throughout the popular texts: Descent of Man, The Jungle Books (1894), Tarzan of the Apes (1914), and Planet of the Apes (1963). Additional themes such as the nature versus nurture debate and other comparative phenotypic attributes commonly used for comparison between man and apes are also analyzed. Such popular culture representations are compared with related or influential scientific research during the respective time period of each text to shed light on the reciprocal nature of Western intellectual tradition, popular notions of the human/ nonhuman primate line, and the development of the field of primatology. Ultimately this thesis shows that the Darwin-Müller debate is indeterminable, and such a lack of resolution makes man uncomfortable. Man's unsettled response and desire for self-knowledge further facilitates a continued search for answers to human identity. As the Human Genome Project has led to the rise of new debates, and primate research has become less anthropocentric over time, the mysteries of man's future have become more concerning than the questions of our past. The human/ nonhuman primate line is reduced to a 1% difference, and new debates have begun to overshadow the Darwin-Müller debate. In conclusion, I argue that human identity is best represented through the metaphor of evolution: both have an unknown beginning, both have an indeterminable future with no definite end, and like a species under the influence of evolution, what it means to be human is a constant, indeterminable process of change.