31 resultados para migration studies, rural destinations, integration

em BORIS: Bern Open Repository and Information System - Berna - Suiça


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This paper investigates whether integration policies influence immigrants' propensity to volunteer, the latter being an important element of immigrants' integration into the host society. By distinguishing different categories of integration policies at Switzerland's subnational level and applying a Bayesian multilevel approach, our results suggest varying policy effects: while policies fostering socio-structural rights enhance immigrants' propensity to volunteer, we observe a negative curvilinear relationship between cultural rights and obligations and immigrants' volunteerism implying that a combination of cultural entitlements and obligations is most conducive to immigrants' civic engagement.

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Immigrant incorporation (or integration) is a subfield of migration studies, and it constitutes a genuinely interdisciplinary undertaking of sociologists, political scientists, anthropologists, lawyers, and historians. In none of these disciplines, however, has it carved out an established niche for itself. In contrast to the United States, where the study of immigrant integration (or “assimilation” as US researchers prefer to say) is more firmly grounded in sociology than in political science, a characteristic of the European scene is a larger prominence of political scientists, macro comparativists, and legal-institutional scholars. This reflects the fact that immigrant integration in Europe is, to a much larger degree than in the United States, framed by public policies, and it often goes along with major transformations of state institutions (most importantly citizenship) and national identities. European states (even France) are ethnic nation-states, where sedentariness and not moving is the norm, and they stand for countries that are much less attuned to, and constituted by, international migration than the classic immigrant nations of North America and Oceania. Overall, European scholarship is marked, on one side, by single-country studies by national experts, which are often solicited by their respective governments interested in policy advice (but increasingly also supported by supranational research bodies). On the other side, most agenda-setting work has grown out of qualitative single-person studies (often dissertations) by macro sociologists and political comparativists not (or only incidentally) rooted in national university systems and disconnected from policy contexts. The field is in need of further conceptual development and of theoretically reflected, genuinely comparative work of the second type, which is mostly off the public funding radar.

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In this paper, we expand previous research on the psychological foundations of attitudes towards immigrants by evaluating the role of the Big Five personality traits with regard to the formation of political tolerance. Following the literature, we elaborate tolerance as a sequential concept of rejection and acceptance to uncover differentiating effects of personality on both immigrant-specific prejudices as well as on the assignment of the right to vote as a pivotal political privilege to this group. Using a representative sample of the Swiss population, with its distinctive history related to the immigration issue, our two-step Heckman selection models reveal that extroverts and people who score low in agreeableness exhibit negative attitudes towards immigrants. At the same time, only openness to experience is significantly connected to the likeliness of granting immigrants the right to vote.

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La réparation (« Wiedergutmachung ») comme raison d’être : les études sur l’exil (« Exilforschung ») dans l’aire germanophone La contribution se concentrera sur trois aspects des études sur l’exil (« Exilforschung ») germanophone, en donnant priorité à l’évolution en RFA. Les développements en Autriche et en Suisse pourront être abordés pendant la discussion, de même que, d’une manière moins exhaustive, ceux en RDA. 1. Genèse et professionnalisation du champ des études sur l’exil Elles naissent au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale suite à l’initiative d’écrivains exilés, qui commencent à réunir des textes littéraires écrits en exil que l’on a appelés à l’époque « Emigrantenliteratur ». Mais ce n’est que dans les années 1960 que les études sur l’exil (« Exilforschung ») se constituent comme un champ d’étude en soi. La Gesellschaft für Exilforschung est créée en 1984 sur le modèle de la North American Society for Exile Studies. Sur fond du lourd héritage des violences perpétrées par le régime nazi et de l’Holocauste, les études allemandes sur l’exil se consacrent, en premier lieu, à la commémoration des victimes du nazisme dans un désir de réparation (« Wiedergutmachung »). Cette volonté de réparation constituera pendant deux décennies un obstacle à une ouverture vers des champs voisins, tels que les études migratoires (migration studies), les études juives (Judaistik) ou encore les études sur le refuge (refugee studies). Une telle ouverture, qui prévoit aussi une expansion temporelle du concept de l’exil (réservé jusqu’ici implicitement aux temps du Nazisme), est le but de plusieurs chaires et initiatives de recherche créées dernièrement. 2. Approches et acquis Il s’agira de caractériser les approches et les acquis des études sur l’exil dans l’aire germanophone. Nous montrerons notamment comment la mission initiale de saisir l’exil des années 1933-45 dans sa totalité a fait place à des questions plus complexes, entre autre autour des concepts d’assimilation et d’acculturation. 3. Perspectives Quelles sont les perspectives des études sur l’exil dans l’aire germanophone ? Nous suggèrerons que l’Exilforschung a, par le biais de son expérience interdisciplinaire et de son approche transnationale, le statut d’un laboratoire permettant d’appréhender questionnements et approches aptes à saisir des phénomènes exiliques au sens large.

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This paper analyses the impact of European mobility in the field of the political nomination of intra-EU migrants in local elections. The study contributes to the debates in the literature related to immigrant nomination and representation by showing how group resources and political opportunities in the country of residence interact with the political opportunities of the European citizenship regime. It argues that the symbolic and legal status of European identity, representation in the European Parliament and strong links between political institutions in the countries of destination and origin play a positive role in boosting immigrant political entrepreneurs’ visibility vis-à-vis host country political actors. In order to illustrate these findings, the paper provides a qualitative comparison of British and Romanian residents in Spain.

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What explains the variation in how European citizens of diverse origins are politically incorporated in the member states of residence? This paper argues that immigrant groups’ status in the host society plays an important role in political party responses to immigrants’ political participation. Drawing on the case of Romanian and British candidacies in the Spanish local elections from 2011, the paper finds that the level of competition between parties is the key mechanism for incorporating candidates from a positively/neutrally perceived group. Instead, a greater level of ethnic diversity encourages the incorporation of candidates from the negatively perceived group. To demonstrate this, the paper uses an original data-set with the Romanian and British candidates in a large number of Spanish localities.