The role of mundane mobility and contact in dialect death and dialect birth

Urry begins his 2007 book, Mobilities, by throwing some quite stunning statistics at his readers: in 2010, there were one billion legal international arrivals at ports and airports; in 1800 people in the US travelled on average 50 metres per day, today it is 50 kilometres per day; 8.7% of world employment is in tourism; and, at any one time, there are 360,000 passengers in flight above the United States (2007: 3-4). But very many of these mobilities for the individuals concerned are or have become rather unexceptional – a flight to a holiday in Majorca or Florida, a journey on a crowded commuter train into Madrid or Tokyo, a cross-Channel ferry to Calais in France to pick up some cheap wine and a camembert. Whilst much of the theoretically influential dialectological literature on mobility reports on long-distance, often permanent, often dangerous migrations, I turn our attention here to the dialectological consequences of this unexceptional everyday movement. I will argue here that, just as more dramatic and long-distance mobilities can trigger linguistic change, so too can the much more mundane movements we engage in in everyday life. I demonstrate that the linguistic consequences of that contact are similar if not the same – perhaps less dramatic, perhaps involving the convergence of an initially less divergent array of variants – but typologically of the same ilk. And I demonstrate that because these mobilities have been long-term, intensive and ongoing, their consequences on the dialect landscape have been highly significant. Important to remember, however, is that these mobilities are socially stratified and unevenly distributed. As Wolff put it: “the suggestion of free and equal mobility is … a deception, since we don’t all have the same access to the road” (1993: 253).

Caring for ageing migrants in nursing homes: 'doing diversity' while 'doing death'

The proposed paper will present first results of a research project investigating how nursing homes in Switzerland deal with migrant elders who are in intensive need of care. Focusing on the end-of-life in institutional care settings, the intention is to explore the dimensions of ‘doing death’ in Swiss nursing homes when the elderly involved are of migrant background. The focus is laid on the co-construction of end of life in interactions between residents of migrant background and professional carers involved (often of migrant background themselves), and will thereby focus on processes of ‘doing diversity’ while ‘doing death’. To do so, we chose an ethnographic approach focusing on the participant observation of everyday practices of ‘doing death’ and ‘death work’ and on interviewing staff, residents and their relatives. Caring for ageing migrants at the end of their lives is studied in different types of assisted living at the end of life: The field of research was entered by studying a group specific department for residents of so-called ‘Mediterranean’ background. It was contrasted by a department stressing the individuality of each resident but including a considerable number of residents with migrant background. We are interested in how (and if at all) specific forms of ‘doing community’ within different types of departments may also lead to specific ways of ‘doing death’, which aim at a stronger embeddedness of dying trajectories in social relations of reciprocity and exchange. Furthermore, migrant ‘doing death’ is expected to be particularly negotiable since the potential diversities of symbolic reference systems and daily practices are widened. If the respective resident is limited in his/her capacities to play an active part in negotiating about ‘good care’ and ‘good dying’ – either due to language competences, which would be migrant specific, or due to degenerative diseases, which is not migrant specific – the field of negotiations will be left up to the professionals within the organization (and to the relatives, which are, however, not constantly present). Strategies of stereotyping the ‘other’ as well as driving nurses, caring aides and other professionals of migrant background into roles of ‘cultural experts’ or ‘transcultural translators’ are expected to be common in such situations. However, the task of negotiating what would be a ‘good dying’ and what measures are appropriate is always at stake in contemporary heterogeneous societies. Therefore we would argue that studying dying processes involving migrant residents is looking at paradigmatic manifestations of doing death in recent contexts of reflexive modernity.