19 resultados para Whatley, Christopher A.: The Scots and the Union

em BORIS: Bern Open Repository and Information System - Berna - Suiça


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As often pointed out in the literature on the European debt crisis, the policy programme of austerity and internal devaluation imposed on countries in the Eurozone's periphery exhibits a lack of democratic legitimacy. This article analyses the consequences these developments have for democratic support at both the European and national levels. We show that through the policies of economic adjustment, a majority of citizens in crisis countries has become ‘detached’ from their democratic political system. By cutting loose the Eurozone's periphery from the rest of Europe in terms of democratic legitimacy, the Euro has divided the union, instead of uniting it as foreseen by its architects. Our results are based on aggregated Eurobarometer surveys conducted in 28 European Union (EU) member states between 2002 and 2014. We employ quantitative time-series cross-sectional regression analyses. Moreover, we estimate the causal effect of economic adjustment in a comparative case study of four cases using the synthetic control method.

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The staid Union Bank of Switzerland, in a very close vote, won the support of its shareholders in its battle against an attempt by dissidents to guide the way the nation's biggest bank is run. The special shareholder vote, held in a packed Zurich sports hall, was one of the most keenly awaited events in recent Swiss financial histroy. The Wall Street Journal, November 23, 1994

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Die Feier von Jubiläen dient Institutionen zur Selbstvergewisserung, Traditionsbildung und Identitätsstiftung. Bei einem Jubiläum werden Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft miteinander verbunden: Geschichte wird im Sinne der Kontinuität und als Garant zukünftiger Stabilität verstanden; die Vergangenheit wird reklamiert und vergegenwärtigt als gemeinsame Tradition und gemeinsames Narrativ für die jetzt Lebenden; der Anspruch auf Fortdauer und Zukunftsfähigkeit wird geltend gemacht. Der Beitrag skizziert, wie die Utrechter Union den 25., den 50., den 100. und den 125. Jahrestag ihrer Gründung jeweils vor dem Hintergrund spezifischer politischer und kirchlicher Zeitfragen beging. Die bisherigen Jubiläen waren von einer historischen Rückbesinnung geprägt – am wenigsten gilt dies für die 125-Jahrfeier im Jahr 2014. Die Diskussion über die Grenzen und Möglichkeiten einer als lebendig verstandenen Tradition war am stärksten bei der 100-Jahrfeier 1989, was damals zugleich auch die Frage der Zukunft der Utrechter Union ins Spiel brachte. Im Vergleich dazu war die 125-Jahr-Feier ein Event, das zwar den Anwesenden als Einzelnen viele Anregungen für verantwortungsvolles Handeln im Bereich aktueller politischer und ethischer Fragen mit auf den Weg gab und die Begegnung mit lebenden Identifikationsfiguren ermöglichte, aber im Hinblick auf die Deutung und Aneignung der Geschichte wenig Anknüpfungspunkte bot. Bei künftigen Jubiläen und Kongressen sollte eine Verknüpfung von individueller und gemeinschaftlich-synodaler Ebene gesucht und so der strategische Aspekt einer kollektiv verantworteten und zukunftsorientierten Deutung altkatholischer Identität wieder stärker in den Vordergrund gerückt werden.

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The chapter maps these trade versus culture developments in the WTO and the positions of the European Union (EU or the Union) and its member states, which were not always coherent. It also looks at the actual results of the trade versus culture contestation – that is, the rules on trade in goods and services in the WTO and how they reflect the need for more policy space in matters of cultural policy, which the EU so ardently pressed for. The chapter further analyses the evolution of both the international trade regulation and the discourse on cultural policy. This discourse has in fact undergone a major transformation in the last two decades, as it has moved from the ‘exception culturelle’ rhetoric, which dominated the Uruguay trade talks, towards a more positive but also more pro-active agenda under the slogan of cultural diversity. The EU has been a major driver of this transformation, which has succeeded in mobilising the international community and ultimately led to the adoption of the 2005 UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions. The chapter concludes by appraisal of the current state of the debate situating it into the broader picture of contemporary global governance. It asks how the EU could effectively pursue its cultural policy aspirations and endorse its cultural diversity agenda in a world of complexity and rapid technological change, in particular in view of the affordances of digital media.

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In this article, we analyze political parties' campaign communication during the 2009 European Parliamentary election in 11 countries (Austria, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary, The Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and the UK). We study which types of issues Euroskeptic fringe and Euroskeptic mainstream parties put on their campaign agendas and the kind and extent of EU opposition they voice. Further, we seek to understand whether Euroskeptic and non-Euroskeptic parties co-orient themselves toward each other within their national party systems with regard to their campaigns. To understand the role of Euroskeptic parties in the 2009 European Parliamentary elections, we draw on a systematic content analysis of parties' posters and televised campaign spots. Our results show that it is Euroskeptic parties at the edges of the political spectrum who discuss polity questions of EU integration and who most openly criticize the union. Principled opposition against the project of EU integration, however, can only be observed in the UK. Finally, we find indicators for co-orientation effects regarding the tone of EU mobilization: In national political environments where Euroskeptic parties strongly criticize the EU, pro-European parties at the same time publicly advance pro-EU positions.

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The very clean theoretical predictions for the rare decays K --> pi nu nu_bar and KL --> pi0 l+ l- are reviewed, and their various theoretical inputs summarized. The less favorable situation for KL --> mu+ mu- is also commented.

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INTRODUCTION: Angiogenesis is known to be a critical and closely regulated step during bone formation and fracture healing driven by a complex interaction of various cytokines. Delays in bone healing or even nonunion might therefore be associated with altered concentrations of specific angiogenic factors. These alterations might in turn be reflected by changes in serum concentrations. METHOD: To determine physiological time courses of angiogenic cytokines during fracture healing as well as possible changes associated with failed consolidation, we prospectively collected serum samples from patients who had sustained surgical treatment for a long bone fracture. Fifteen patients without fracture healing 4 months after surgery (nonunion group) were matched to a collective of 15 patients with successful healing (union group). Serum concentrations of angiogenin (ANG), angiopoietin 2 (Ang-2), basic fibroblast growth factor (bFGF), platelet derived growth factor AB (PDGF-AB), pleiotrophin (PTN) and vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF) were measured using enzyme linked immunosorbent assays over a period of 24 weeks. RESULTS: Compared to reference values of healthy uninjured controls serum concentrations of VEGF, bFGF and PDGF were increased in both groups. Peak concentrations of these cytokines were reached during early fracture healing. Serum concentrations of bFGF and PDGF-AB were significantly higher in the union group at 2 and 4 weeks after the injury when compared to the nonunion group. Serum concentrations of ANG and Ang-2 declined steadily from the first measurement in normal healing fractures, while no significant changes over time could be detected for serum concentrations of these factures in nonunion patients. PTN serum levels increased asymptotically over the entire investigation in timely fracture healing while no such increase could be detected during delayed healing. CONCLUSION: We conclude that fracture healing in human subjects is accompanied by distinct changes in systemic levels of specific angiogenic factors. Significant alterations of these physiologic changes in patients developing a fracture nonunion over time could be detected as early as 2 (bFGF) and 4 weeks (PDGF-AB) after initial trauma surgery.

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PURPOSE Different international target volume delineation guidelines exist and different treatment techniques are available for salvage radiation therapy (RT) for recurrent prostate cancer, but less is known regarding their respective applicability in clinical practice. METHODS AND MATERIALS A randomized phase III trial testing 64 Gy vs 70 Gy salvage RT was accompanied by an intense quality assurance program including a site-specific and study-specific questionnaire and a dummy run (DR). Target volume delineation was performed according to the European Organisation for the Research and Treatment of Cancer guidelines, and a DR-based treatment plan was established for 70 Gy. Major and minor protocol deviations were noted, interobserver agreement of delineated target contours was assessed, and dose-volume histogram (DVH) parameters of different treatment techniques were compared. RESULTS Thirty European centers participated, 43% of which were using 3-dimensional conformal RT (3D-CRT), with the remaining centers using intensity modulated RT (IMRT) or volumetric modulated arc technique (VMAT). The first submitted version of the DR contained major deviations in 21 of 30 (70%) centers, mostly caused by inappropriately defined or lack of prostate bed (PB). All but 5 centers completed the DR successfully with their second submitted version. The interobserver agreement of the PB was moderate and was improved by the DR review, as indicated by an increased κ value (0.59 vs 0.55), mean sensitivity (0.64 vs 0.58), volume of total agreement (3.9 vs 3.3 cm(3)), and decrease in the union volume (79.3 vs 84.2 cm(3)). Rectal and bladder wall DVH parameters of IMRT and VMAT vs 3D-CRT plans were not significantly different. CONCLUSIONS The interobserver agreement of PB delineation was moderate but was improved by the DR. Major deviations could be identified for the majority of centers. The DR has improved the acquaintance of the participating centers with the trial protocol.

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OBJECTIVE To analyze the types of articles and authorship characteristics of three orthodontic journals--American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics (AJODO), The Angle Orthodontist (AO), and European Journal of Orthodontics (EJO)--published between 2008 and 2012 and to assess the differences in content within this period and an earlier period of 1998 to 2002. MATERIALS AND METHODS Each journal's content was accessed through the web edition. From each article, the following parameters were recorded: article type, number of authors, number of affiliations, source of article (referring to the first author's affiliation), and geographic origin. Descriptive statistics were performed and selected parameters were analyzed with the Pearson chi-square or Fisher exact test for independence at the .05 level of significance. RESULTS Review of differences between the two periods showed that the number of publications was almost double. The percentages of multi-authored articles increased. Fewer studies derived from the United States/Canada and European Union countries. Increases for articles from non-European Union countries, Asia, and other countries were found. Characteristics of the second period showed that the EJO and AO published more research articles, whereas the AJODO regularly published case reports and other articles. Approximately 75% of all studies derived from orthodontic departments. CONCLUSIONS The publications from 1998-2002 and 2008-2012 were significantly different both in terms of numbers and characteristics. Within 2008-2012 there were notable differences between the three journals concerning the type and origin of the publications.

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Over the last decade European democracies have been facing a challenge by the rising force of new populist movements. The emergence of the financial and sovereign debt crisis in Europe created new fertile soil for the strengthening of old-established – and the development of new – populist parties in several EU-member states. José Manuel Barroso, president of the European Commission, emphasized his increased unease concerning these developments when he was speaking at the annual Brussels Think Tank Forum on 22. April 2013: “I am deeply concerned about the divisions that we see emerging: political extremes and populism tearing apart the political support and the social fabric that we need to deal with the crisis; […]” (Barroso 2013). Indeed, European elites seem to be increasingly worried by these recent developments which are perceived as an impending stress test of the Union and the project of European integration as a whole (Hartleb 2013). Sure enough, the results of the recent European Parliament Elections 2014 revealed a great support for populist political parties in many societies of EU-member countries. To understand the success of populist parties in Europe it is crucial to first shed light on the nature of populist party communication itself. Significant communicative differences may explain the varying success of populist parties between and within countries, while a pure demand-side approach (i.e. a focus on the preferences of the electorate) often fails to do so (Mudde 2010). The aim of this study is therefore to analyse what different types of populist communication styles emerge during the EP election campaign 2014 and under which conditions populist communication styles are selected by political parties. So far, the empirical measurement of populism has received only scarce attention (Rooduijn & Pauwels 2011). Besides, most of the existing empirical investigations of populism are single case studies (Albertazzi & McDonnell 2008) and scholars have not yet developed systematic methods to measure populism in a comparative way (Rooduijn & Pauwels 2011). This is a consequence of a lack of conceptual clarity which goes along with populism (Taggart 2000; Barr 2009; Canovan 1999) due to its contextual sensitivity. Hence, populism in Europe should be analysed in a way that clarifies the concept of populism and moreover takes into account that the Europeanization of politics has an influence on the type of populist party communication, which is intended in the course of that study.

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OBJECTIVES Because neural invasion (NI) is still inconsistently reported and not well characterized within gastrointestinal malignancies (GIMs), our aim was to determine the exact prevalence and severity of NI and to elucidate the true impact of NI on patient's prognosis. BACKGROUND The union internationale contre le cancer (UICC) recently added NI as a novel parameter in the current TNM classification. However, there are only a few existing studies with specific focus on NI, so that the distinct role of NI in GIMs is still uncertain. MATERIALS AND METHODS NI was characterized in approximately 16,000 hematoxylin and eosin tissue sections from 2050 patients with adenocarcinoma of the esophagogastric junction (AEG)-I-III, squamous cell carcinoma (SCC) of the esophagus, gastric cancer (GC), colon cancer (CC), rectal cancer (RC), cholangiocellular cancer (CCC), hepatocellular cancer (HCC), and pancreatic cancer (PC). NI prevalence and severity was determined and related to patient's prognosis and survival. RESULTS NI prevalence largely varied between HCC/6%, CC/28%, RC/34%, AEG-I/36% and AEG-II/36%, SCC/37%, GC/38%, CCC/58%, and AEG-III/65% to PC/100%. NI severity score was uppermost in PC (24.9±1.9) and lowest in AEG-I (0.8±0.3). Multivariable analyses including age, sex, TNM stage, and grading revealed that the prevalence of NI was significantly associated with diminished survival in AEG-II/III, GC, and RC. However, increasing NI severity impaired survival in AEG-II/III and PC only. CONCLUSIONS NI prevalence and NI severity strongly vary within GIMs. Determination of NI severity in GIMs is a more precise tool than solely recording the presence of NI and revealed dismal prognostic impact on patients with AEG-II/III and PC. Evidently, NI is not a concomitant side feature in GIMs and, therefore, deserves special attention for improved patient stratification and individualized therapy after surgery.

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In a world characterized by increasing pressure from financial and product markets, the question of how exogenous constraints affect internal coordination and control processes has become increasingly important. This experiment investigates how two exogenous constraints that superiors can face in budget negotiation settings, increased opportunity costs and financial pressure to meet unit targets, affect budget negotiations and subordinate effort. The results show that both constraints induce more cooperation, but in different ways. Financial pressure on the superior leads to more cooperative negotiation behavior by superiors and subordinates than increased opportunity costs. Specifically, subordinates do not take advantage of the superior's increased financial pressure to enforce lower budgets. After negotiation, both constraints strongly mitigate the negative effects of superior budget imposition on subordinate effort because exogenous constraints eliminate the effect of procedural fairness considerations on subordinate effort.