The Swiss Schools have been Governed by Local Lay Authorities

After the introduction of the liberal-democratic constitutions in the Swiss cantons in the first half of the 1830ies the grid of existing schools has been systemized and broadly expanded. The school systems have ever since been characterized by one key element: a special local authority type called „Schulkommission“ or „Schulpflege“. They take the form of committees consisting of laymen that are appointed by democratic elections like all the other executive bodies on the different federal levels in Switzerland. When it comes to their obligations and activities these community level school committees conform very much to the school boards in the American and Canadian school systems. They are accountable for the selection and supervision of the teachers. They approve decisions about the school careers of pupils and about curricular matters like the choice of school books. Normally their members are elected by the local voters for four year terms of office (reelection remains possible) and with regard to pedagogics they normally are non-professionals. The board members are responsible for classes and teachers assigned to them and they have to go to see them periodically. These visitations and the board meetings each month together with the teachers enable the board members to attain a deep insight into what happens in their schools over the course of their term of office. But they are confronted as laymen with a professional teaching staff and with educational experts in the public administration. Nevertheless this form of executive power by non-professionals is constitutive for the state governance in the Swiss as well as in other national political environments. It corresponds to the principles of subsidiarity and militia and therefore allows for a strong accentuation of liberty and the right of self-determination, two axioms at the very base of democratic federalist ideology. This governance architecture with this strong accent on local anchorage features substantial advantages for the legitimacy and acceptability of political and administrative decisions. And this is relevant especially in the educational area because the rearing of the offspring is a project of hope and, besides, quite costly. In the public opinion such supervision bodies staffed by laymen seem to have certain credibility advances in comparison with the professional administration. They are given credit to be capable of impeding the waste of common financial resources and of warranting the protection and the fostering of the community’s children at once. Especially because of their non-professional character they are trusted to be reliably immune against organizational blindness and they seem to be able to defend the interests of the local community against the standardization and centralization aspirations originating from the administrational expertocracy. In the paper these common rationales will be underpinned by results of a comprehensive historical analysis of the Session protocols of three Bernese school commissions from 1835 to 2005.

ll "Pasquillus extaticus" di Celio Secondo Curione: eresia, censura, tradizione a stampa e manoscritta del testo

The essay examines the print and manuscript traditions of the "Pasquillus extaticus" by Celio Secondo Curione with a particular focus on their relation with censorship. At first, the essay investigates into the redactional evolution and into the editorial history of the dialogue and of its vernacular versions, e.g. the relation between some editions of the "Pasquillus extaticus" and of the "Pasquino in estasi" (which appeared anonymously and without typographical information) and the provisions of political and ecclesiastical censorship in the 16th century. Finally, analysing the manuscript tradition, the essay discusses Carlos Gilly’s identification of «Coelii Secundi Pasquillus, emendatus impress[us]», registered in the inventory of the private library of the Basel typographer Johannes Oporinus, with the copy preserved at the Herzog August Bibibliothek Wolfenbüttel [hab: p 1811. 8º Helmst. (1)]). The author refutes Gilly’s hypothetical attribution to Curione’s handwriting of the many marginalia present in this copy.

Das Repertorium Academicum Germanicum (RAG). Ein digitales Forschungsvorhaben zur Geschichte der Gelehrten des alten Reiches (1250-1550)

This article aims at presenting an already existing research project. The Repertorium Academicum Germanicum (RAG) is supposed to be a "Who’s who" of the graduated and noble scholars of the late medieval Empire. It is designed to record biographical and social data of graduated theologians, jurists, physicians and Masters of Art as well as data of nobles from universities between 1250 and 1550. Furthermore, the project focuses on their examinations, networks, fields of activity in ecclesiastical and secular offices as well as their achievements and legacies (books, treatises, tombs etc). Right now, over 49.000 prosopographic entries are stored in the RAG database, partly available online (www.rag-online.org) and combined with digital maps (infographics), which already provide a basis for research in academic mobility determined by the top scholars of the time. In a next step, it should be possible to draw conclusions not only about personnel and knowledge transfer from university to society, its effects on political systems, daily life, the emergence of new occupational groups and professions, but also about cultural exchange within Europe.

The Role of the European Imperial Powers throughout the Armenian Schism in the 1870s

The Bull "Reversurus" (1867) and its dogmatic legitimization at the First Vatican Council in 1870 caused not only ecclesiastical controversy and Schism in the Armenian Catholic Church, but it had also wide political consequences for the Armenian Catholics in the Ottoman Empire. The conflict originally between the Armenian Catholics and Rome attracted very soon the attention of the European imperial Powers. France, the British Empire, the German Empire, Austria-Hungary and Russia were the main political powers who were involved in the Armenian affair. A full picture of the role of all these powers for the course of the Armenian Schism is missing. Mostly the role of France is foregrounded in the printed sources, as the main power, which supported the papacy to win during the Armenian affair. The role and the motives of the other imperial powers is almost missing. This article will try to describe as completely as possible the historical and political background, which brought to the escalation of the Armenian conflict beyond the national frontiers and led to number of conflicts at the international and transnational level. It will be shown that the imperial policy in Europe in the 19th century have played an enormous role throughout the Armenian Schism. It will be explained that several historical circumstances in Europe, especially the relation of the European imperial powers to each other as well as their expectations from the Ottoman Empire and its Armenian subjects were decisive for the duration and conclusion of the Armenian Schism.