20 resultados para Social mobilization. Militancy. Marijuana. Anti-prohibition

em BORIS: Bern Open Repository and Information System - Berna - Suiça


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After the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, a number of actors started to engage in the power struggle for the opportunities to shape the new order in successive nation-states. In Serbia and Georgia historically hegemonic Orthodox Christian churches were among the firsts in the frontlines for political and economic power. More than a decade has passed since the so-called Coloured Revolutions in Georgia and Serbia, and the Orthodox churches still remain participants of an ongoing socio-political transition of these states. The revival of public role of religion appeared temporary in Serbia followed by a gradual decline of an influence of the Orthodox Church over political life and legal process. However, in Georgia the public and political role of religion increased rather than declined albeit changed shape. Examining the degree to which the two Orthodox churches can influence the political agenda in Serbia and Georgia, the paper attempts to understand how church-State relations work in practice. By bringing rich empirical data from the field (70 interviews with (arch)bishops, priests and religious clerics in Georgia and Serbia added to field observations), the paper reflects on the themes under which the two Orthodox churches mobilize public protest in Serbia and Georgia. The paper further looks at varying State responses and their broader implication for church-state problematique.

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One of the most popular explanations for post-9/11 anti-Americanism argues that resentment against America and Americans is mainly a function of the US government’s unpopular actions. The present article challenges this interpretation: first, it argues that neither the vitality of the resentment in times when the United States had no influence in the respective parts of the world nor its recent radical manifestations are accounted for in a political reductionist framework. In fact, specific traditions of anti-Americanism have an influence on the negative attitudes observed today, as a comparison between Britain, France, Germany, and Poland reveals. Second, this article suggests an alternative theoretical approach. Anti-Americanism can be explained by two basic mechanisms: it functions as a strategy to project denied and disliked self-concepts onto an external object, and it offers an interpretation frame for complex social processes that allows to reduce cognitive dissonance. Multivariate analyses based on empirical data collected in the Pew surveys of 2002 and 2007 show the fruitfulness of our theoretical approach.

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The paper is a comparative inquiry into the roles of Ilia Chavchavadze (1837-1907) and Taras Shevchenko (1818-1861) as national poets and anti-colonial (anti-Tsarist) intellectuals within the context of their respective national traditions (Georgia and Ukraine). During the period of their activity (19th and the beginning of 20th century) both Ukraine and Georgia were under Tsarist imperial rule, albeit the two poets lived in different periods of Russian empire history. Through their major works, each called on their communities to ‘awaken’ and ‘revolt’ against oppression, rejected social apathy caused by Tsarist subjugation and raised awareness about the historical past of their nations. The non-acceptance of present and belief in an independent future was one of the dominant themes in the poetry and prose of both. Their contemporary importance is illustrated in political discourse both after Orange Revolution in Ukraine (2004), and Rose Revolution in Georgia (2003) where both poets are referred “as founding fathers of national ideology”, the history textbooks alluding to them as “symbols of anti-colonial resistance”. To this day, however, there has been surprisingly little academic writing in the West endeavoring to compare the works and activities of the two poets and their impact on national mobilization in Tsarist Ukraine and Georgia, even though their countries are often mentioned in a same breath by commentators on contemporary culture and politics. The paper attempts to fill this gap and tries to understand the relationship between literature and social mobilization in 19th century Russian Empire. By reflecting on Taras Shevchenko’s and Ilia Chavchavadze’s poetry, prose and social activism, I will try to explain how in different periods of Russian imperial history, the two poets helped to develop a modern form of political belonging among their compatriots and stimulated an anti-colonial mobilization with different political outcomes. To theorize on the role of poets and novelists in anti-colonial national movement, I will reflect on the writings of Benedict Anderson (1991), John Hutchinson (1994; 1999), Rory Finnin (2005; 2011) and problematize Miroslav Hroch’s (1996) three phase model of the development of national movements. Overall, the paper would aim to show the importance of, what John Hutchinson called, ‘cultural nationalists’ in understanding contemporary nationalist discourse in Georgian and Ukrainian societies.

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This publication offers concrete suggestions for implementing an integrative and learning-oriented approach to agricultural extension with the goal of fostering sustainable development. It targets governmental and non-governmental organisations, development agencies, and extension staff working in the field of rural development. The book looks into the conditions and trends that influence extension today, and outlines new challenges and necessary adaptations. It offers a basic reflection on the goals, the criteria for success and the form of a state-of-the-art approach to extension. The core of the book consists of a presentation of Learning for Sustainability (LforS), an example of an integrative, learning-oriented approach that is based on three crucial elements: stakeholder dialogue, knowledge management, and organizational development. Awareness raising and capacity building, social mobilization, and monitoring & evaluation are additional building blocks. The structure and organisation of the LforS approach as well as a selection of appropriate methods and tools are presented. The authors also address key aspects of developing and managing a learning-oriented extension approach. The book illustrates how LforS can be implemented by presenting two case studies, one from Madagascar and one from Mongolia. It addresses conceptual questions and at the same time it is practice-oriented. In contrast to other extension approaches, LforS does not limit its focus to production-related aspects and the development of value chains: it also addresses livelihood issues in a broad sense. With its focus on learning processes LforS seeks to create a better understanding of the links between different spheres and different levels of decision-making; it also seeks to foster integration of the different actors’ perspectives.

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This book addresses two developments in the conceptualisation of citizenship that arise from the 'war on terror', namely the re-culturalisation of membership in a polity and the re-moralisationof access to rights. Taking an anthropological perspective, it traces the ways in which the trans-nationalisation of the 'war on terror' has affected notions of 'the dangerous other' in different political and social contexts, asking what changes in the ideas of the state and of the nation have been promoted by the emerging culture of security, and how these changes affect practices of citizenship and societal group relations.

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BACKGROUND Timing is critical for efficient hepatitis A vaccination in high endemic areas as high levels of maternal IgG antibodies against the hepatitis A virus (HAV) present in the first year of life may impede the vaccine response. OBJECTIVES To describe the kinetics of the decline of anti-HAV maternal antibodies, and to estimate the time of complete loss of maternal antibodies in infants in León, Nicaragua, a region in which almost all mothers are anti-HAV seropositive. METHODS We collected cord blood samples from 99 healthy newborns together with 49 corresponding maternal blood samples, as well as further blood samples at 2 and 7 months of age. Anti-HAV IgG antibody levels were measured by enzyme immunoassay (EIA). We predicted the time when antibodies would fall below 10 mIU/ml, the presumed lowest level of seroprotection. RESULTS Seroprevalence was 100% at birth (GMC 8392 mIU/ml); maternal and cord blood antibody concentrations were similar. The maternal antibody levels of the infants decreased exponentially with age and the half-life of the maternal antibody was estimated to be 40 days. The relationship between the antibody concentration at birth and time until full waning was described as: critical age (months)=3.355+1.969 × log(10)(Ab-level at birth). The survival model estimated that loss of passive immunity will have occurred in 95% of infants by the age of 13.2 months. CONCLUSIONS Complete waning of maternal anti-HAV antibodies may take until early in the second year of life. The here-derived formula relating maternal or cord blood antibody concentrations to the age at which passive immunity is lost may be used to determine the optimal age of childhood HAV vaccination.

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This article analyzes the interaction between theories of radicalization and state responses to militancy in India. Focusing on the interpretation of the increased frequency of terrorist attacks in Indian metropolises in the last decade, the article examines the narratives surrounding those classified as terrorists in the context of rising Muslim militancy in the country. Different state agencies operate with different theories about the links between processes of radicalization and terrorist violence. The scenarios of radicalization underlying legislative efforts to prevent terrorism, the construction of motives by the police, and the interpretation of violence by the judiciary all rely on assumptions about radicalization and violence. Such narratives are used to explain terrorism both to security agencies and to the public; they inform the categories and scenarios of prevention. Prevention relies on detection of future deeds, planning, intentions, and even potential intentions. "Detection" of potential intentions relies on assumptions about specific dispositions. Identification of such dispositions in turn relies on the context-specific theories of the causes of militancy. These determine what "characteristics" of individuals or groups indicate potential threats and form the basis for their categorization as "potentially dangerous." The article explores the cultural contexts of theories of radicalization, focusing on how they are framed by societal understandings of the causes of deviance and the relation between the individual and society emerging in contemporary India. It examines the shift in the perception of threat and the categories of "dangerous others" from a focus on role to a focus on ascriptive identity.

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Purpose This paper furthers the analysis of patterns regulating capitalist accumulation based on a historical anthropology of economic activities revolving around and within the Mauritian Export Processing Zone (EPZ). Design/methodology/approach This paper uses fieldwork in Mauritius to interrogate and critique two important concepts in contemporary social theory – “embeddedness” and “the informal economy.” These are viewed in the wider frame of social anthropology’s engagement with (neoliberal) capitalism. Findings A process-oriented revision of Polanyi’s work on embeddedness and the “double movement” is proposed to help us situate EPZs within ongoing power struggles found throughout the history of capitalism. This helps us to challenge the notion of economic informality as supplied by Hart and others. Social implications Scholars and policymakers have tended to see economic informality as a force from below, able to disrupt the legal-rational nature of capitalism as practiced from on high. Similarly, there is a view that a precapitalist embeddedness, a “human economy,” has many good things to offer. However, this paper shows that the practices of the state and multinational capitalism, in EPZs and elsewhere, exactly match the practices that are envisioned as the cure to the pitfalls of capitalism. Value of the paper Setting aside the formal-informal distinction in favor of a process-oriented analysis of embeddedness allows us better to understand the shifting struggles among the state, capital, and labor.