An Undisclosed Story of Roses: Church, State and Nation in Contemporary Georgia

I will attempt to problematize the typologies of nationalism when applied to the Georgian context, particularly in relationship to nationalism of President Mikheil Saakashvili. I will argue that the state-driven nationalism of post-Rose Revolution government was a hybrid form of ethno-cultural and civic which had elements of ethnic particularism towards the Orthodox Church. By reflecting on the growing assistance of Western institutions to Georgia, I will problematize the extent to which the rise of American and European involvement in the region reinforced the perceptions of the “self” and the “other” among the religious elites since the Rose Revolution. By presenting field research data (interviews) gathered in 23 eparchies and perishes with religious clerics in 7 regions of Georgia, I will argue that religious nationalism in Georgia strengthened not in response to but as an outcome of President Saakashvili’s policies towards the church, and partially as a reaction to the growing dissatisfaction with Western institutions working in Georgia and Western governments’ response to the Russo-Georgian War of 2008. By reflecting on empirical material, the paper attempts to problematize an understanding of religious nationalism as a social movement, an instance of cultural autonomy and a source of identity (Friedland 2001). In response, I suggest viewing religious nationalism in post-communist Georgia as medium of material and political interests

Internationale Kontrolle lokaler Verwaltung in einer Konfliktregion. Das Experiment „Freie Stadt Danzig“ (1920-1939)

The Free City of Danzig was founded by the Allies after World War One to settle the conflict between Poles and Germans as to which territory the town belonged. The League of Nations was designated to be the guarantor of its status. British and American experts and policy advisors saw it as an experiment on the way to new forms of statehood, by means of which nationalism as the founding principle of territorial entities could be overcome. However, the „Free City“ status was rejected by both the city’s inhabitants and German and Polish government agencies, with the result that the League and its local representative, the High Commissioner, were constantly confronted with difficulties in the interpretation of the international treaties and conventions relating to Danzig. In addition, hardly anyone in Danzig, Germany or Poland was interested in the economic and financial situation of the Free City, but were more interested in winning political battles than in the well-being of the city and its inhabitants. As a result, the situation in Danzig became more and more hopeless. The city became increasingly dependent on (illegal) German subsidies, while the High Commissioners generally cared more about their own prestige and that of their home countries than about the interests of the League of Nations. But as no political means of modifying the city’s status had been provided for, nothing changed formally in Danzig until Germany started the Second World War and annexed the city in September 1939. In retrospect, the international control of local government could not contribute to a long-term solution for Danzig. It merely postponed its violent solution for twenty years.

Where Empires Meet: Orientalism and Marginality at the Former Russo-British Frontier

This article explores the intersection of orientalism and marginality in two regions at the former Russo-British frontier between Central and South Asia. Focussing on Tajikistan’s Gorno-Badakhshan and Gilgit-Baltistan in today’s Pakistan, an analysis of historical and contemporary orientalist projections on and in the two border regions reveals changing modes of domination through the course of the twentieth century (British, Kashmiri, Pakistani and Russian, Soviet, Tajik). In this regard, different local experiences of “ colonial ” rule, both in Gorno-Badakhshan and Gilgit-Baltistan, challenge “ classical ” periodisations of colonial/postcolonial and colonial/socialist/postsocialist. This article furthermore maintains that processes of marginalisation in both regions can be interpreted as effects of imperial and Cold War contexts that have led to the establishment of the frontier. Thus, a central argument is that neither the status of the frontier between Central and South Asia as a stable entity, nor the periodisations that have conventionally been ascribed to the two regions as linear timelines can be taken for granted.

Biographien und Netzwerke im Kaffeehandel zwischen Deutschland und Zentralamerika, 1920-1959

Kaffee ist nicht nur ein beliebtes Getränk, sondern vernetzte auch unterschiedliche Welten: Der Kaffeehandel band Hamburg und Bremen in transnationale Netzwerke ein, die sich zwischen Europa und Lateinamerika erstreckten. Zentralamerika war für den globalen Kaffeehandel wichtig, weil die Region als erste die „nasse“ Form der Aufbereitung einführte. Die hohe Qualität dieser „gewaschenen“ Kaffees machte sie auf dem Weltmarkt begehrt. Deutsche Einwanderer prägten die Handelsverbindungen zwischen den zentralamerikanischen Kaffee-Anbauregionen und den norddeutschen Hafenstädten: Sie gründeten Exportfirmen, erwarben Kaffeeplantagen und beteiligten sich an der Vorfinanzierung der Ernten. Christiane Berth analysiert Biografien und Netzwerke deutscher Kaffee-Akteure in Guatemala, Costa Rica und Chiapas. Dabei zeigt sie, wie deren Handelsnetzwerke durch wirtschaftliche Krisen und neue außenpolitische Konstellationen brüchig wurden, im Nationalsozialismus unter Druck gerieten und während des Zweiten Weltkrieges zerbrachen. Trotzdem blieben auch in der Nachkriegszeit Handelsbeziehungen zwischen Nationalstaaten, Netzwerke in der Kaffeebranche und Biografien der Kaffee-Akteure eng miteinander verknüpft.