Cannabis use disorder and age at onset of psychosis--a study in first-episode patients

INTRODUCTION Age at onset of psychosis (AAO) may be younger in patients with cannabis use disorders (CUD) compared to those without CUD (NCUD). Previous studies included CUD co-morbid with other substance use disorders (SUD), and many did not control for confounders. METHODS Controlling for relevant confounders, differences in AAO between patients with and without CUD excluding those with any other SUD were analyzed in a large representative file audit of 625 first-episode psychosis (FEP) patients (age 14 to 29years) admitted to the Early Psychosis Prevention and Intervention Centre in Melbourne, Australia. RESULTS Three quarters of the 625 FEP patients had a CUD. Cannabis use started before psychosis onset in 87.6% of patients. AAO was not significantly different between CUD (without other SUD, n=201) and NCUD (n=157). However, AAO was younger in those with early CUD (starting age 14 or younger) compared to NCUD (F(1)=5.2; p=0.024; partial η(2)=0.026). Earlier age at onset of cannabis use predicted earlier age at onset of psychosis (β=-0.49, R(2)-change=0.25, p<0.001). CONCLUSION Only CUD starting age 14 or younger was associated with an earlier AAO at a small effect size. These findings suggest that CUD may exert an indirect effect on brain maturation resulting in earlier AAO potentially only in cannabis sensitive subjects.

Placing Displacement: Place-making in a World of Movement

Over the last two decades, there has been a radical shift in anthropology from stable, rooted and mappable identities to fluid, transitory and migratory forms of belonging. Displacement has become the new trope through which anthropologists have come to look at the world. As a result, place has received an ambiguous position. Focusing on the life experiences of one Somali refugee woman living in Melbourne and her engagement with place, this article questions the current emphasis on space and boundlessness in anthropological discourses on displacement. It argues that rather than developing theoretical concepts that bypass people's experiences, the zooming in on individuals' lifeworlds allows for a close look at the particularity and everydayness of being-in-place. It shows the need for a more complex and nuanced view of displacement – one that values people's lived experiences and one that takes the placement in displacement more seriously.

Displaced Stories: The Interplay of Telling and Being in the Face of Displacement

Throughout the last decades, narrative approaches have become quintessential tools for understanding crisis and displacement. While a focus on individual stories allows for a deep look into the particularity of being-displaced, it simultaneously runs the risk of romanticising the outcome (the life story) of what is indeed the product of a rather complex process (the telling of the life story). In this paper I will discuss a change of perspectives: Rather than laying the focus on life stories as texts, I will suggest to shift the attention towards the existential dynamics of storytelling. By zooming in on my longstanding collaboration with a Somali woman in Melbourne, Australia, I will map out the interplay of telling and being that marked this process. Focusing on one particular storytelling moment, I will suggest the importance of appreciating the intersubjective force of storytelling. Rather than melting the set of stories into a coherent “life story”, I will look at the storytelling moment in its lived messiness. In doing so, I will sketch out its potential to shed light both on the teller’s hopes, imaginations and ambitions, and on the reality of being part of a wider world that often contradicts and shatters these hopes.