Dégradation des forêts et stock de carbone dans la biomasse épigée de la forêt dense humide de Manompana - Nord Est de Madagascar

L’estimation du stock de carbone contenu dans les forêts peut être effectuée de plusieurs manières. Les méthodes les plus connues sont destructives et nécessitent l’abattage d’un grand nombre représentatif d’arbres. Cette représentativité est difficilement atteinte dans les forêts tropicales, présentant une diversité d’espèces exceptionnelles, comme à Madagascar. Afin d’évaluer le niveau de dégradation des forêts, une étude d'images par télédétection est effectuée au moyen de l’analyse du signal radiométrique, combinée à un inventaire non destructif de biomasse. L’étude de la dynamique du paysage proposé est alors basée sur une correction atmosphérique d’une image SPOT 5, de l’année 2009, et sur une classification semi supervisée de l’occupation des sols, combinant une classification préliminaire non supervisée, un échantillonnage aléatoire des classes et une classification supervisée avec un maximum de vraisemblance. La validation est effectuée à l’aide de points indépendants relevés lors des inventaires de biomasse avec des valeurs du stock de carbone bien précises. La classification non supervisée a permis de ressortir deux classes de forêt dénommées « peu dégradée » et « dégradée ». La première désigne l’état climax (le stock de carbone a atteint une valeur qui varie peu) alors que la seconde est caractérisée par un taux de carbone plus faible que le niveau climax, mais qui peut être atteint sans perturbation. Cette première classification permet alors de répartir les placettes d’inventaire dans chaque classe. La méthode d’inventaire recueille à la fois des données dendrométriques classiques (espèce, densité, hauteur totale, hauteur fût, diamètre) et des échantillons représentatifs de branches et de feuilles sur un arbre. Ces différents paramètres avec la densité de bois permettent d’établir une équation allométrique de laquelle est estimée la biomasse totale d’un arbre et conséquemment de la formation forestière. Par la suite, la classification supervisée a été effectuée à partir d’échantillons aléatoires donnant la valeur de séparabilité des classes, de la classification finale. De plus, les valeurs de stocks de carbone à l’hectare, estimées de chaque placette, ont permis de valider cette classification et d’avoir une évaluation de la précision. La connaissance de ce niveau de dégradation issue de données satellitaires à haute résolution spatiale, combinées à des données d’inventaire, ouvre le champ du suivi interannuel du stock de carbone et subséquemment de la modélisation de la situation future du stock de carbone dans différents types de forêts.

"Fascinating Voids: Alexander von Humboldt and the Myth of Chimborazo"

When Alexander von Humboldt reached the village of Calpi in the Andes on 22 June 1802, he was greeted with reverence and enthusiasm. Triumphal arches adorned with cotton, cloth, and silver decorated his path. The natives performed a dance in festive dress. A singer praised the explorer's expedition, which had departed three years earlier from the Spanish port of La Coruña. Like Odysseus on the isle of the Phaeacians, the traveler listened to a local rhapsodist singing about his heroic deeds. Before his adventure ended, it had already spun a popular myth. This episode, which Humboldt recorded in his diary, occurred at a significant moment. One day later, the “Second Discoverer of America” rose to even greater fame on an excursion marking in more ways than one the climax of his enterprise. Humboldt set out to climb Chimborazo (6,310 m/20,702 ft.), the mountain then thought to be the highest in the world. He was accompanied by the French botanist Aimé Bonpland (1773–1858) and the Creole nobleman and future activist Carlos Montúfar (1780–1816), as well as native guides and assistants. They climbed to heights never reached before, setting a new record and catapulting Humboldt to fame on both continents.

An underestimated record breaking event – why summer 1540 was likely warmer than 2003

The heat of summer 2003 in Western and Central Europe was claimed to be unprecedented since the Middle Ages on the basis of grape harvest data (GHD) and late wood maximum density (MXD) data from trees in the Alps. This paper shows that the authors of these studies overlooked the fact that the heat and drought in Switzerland in 1540 likely exceeded the amplitude of the previous hottest summer of 2003, because the persistent temperature and precipitation anomaly in that year, described in an abundant and coherent body of documentary evidence, severely affected the reliability of GHD and tree-rings as proxy-indicators for temperature estimates. Spring–summer (AMJJ) temperature anomalies of 4.7 °C to 6.8 °C being significantly higher than in 2003 were assessed for 1540 from a new long Swiss GHD series (1444 to 2011). During the climax of the heat wave in early August the grapes desiccated on the vine, which caused many vine-growers to interrupt or postpone the harvest despite full grape maturity until after the next spell of rain. Likewise, the leaves of many trees withered and fell to the ground under extreme drought stress as would usually be expected in late autumn. It remains to be determined by further research whether and how far this result obtained from local analyses can be spatially extrapolated. Based on the temperature estimates for Switzerland it is assumed from a great number of coherent qualitative documentary evidence about the outstanding heat drought in 1540 that AMJJ temperatures were likely more extreme in neighbouring regions of Western and Central Europe than in 2003. Considering the significance of soil moisture deficits for record breaking heat waves, these results still need to be validated with estimated seasonal precipitation. It is concluded that biological proxy data may not properly reveal record breaking heat and drought events. Such assessments thus need to be complemented with the critical study of contemporary evidence from documentary sources which provide coherent and detailed data about weather extremes and related impacts on human, ecological and social systems.

Influence of human impact and bedrock differences on the vegetational history of the Insubrian Southern Alps

Vegetation history for the study region is reconstructed on the basis of pollen, charcoal and AMS14C investigations of lake sediments from Lago del Segrino (calcareous bedrock) and Lago di Muzzano (siliceous bedrock). Late-glacial forests were characterised byBetula andPinus sylvestris. At the beginning of the Holocene they were replaced by temperate continental forest and shrub communities. A special type of temperate lowland forest, withAbies alba as the most important tree, was present in the period 8300 to 4500 B.P. Subsequently,Fagus, Quercus andAlnus glutinosa were the main forest components andA. alba ceased to be of importance.Castanea sativa andJuglans regia were probably introduced after forest clearance by fire during the first century A.D. On soils derived from siliceous bedrock,C. sativa was already dominant at ca. A.D. 200 (A.D. dates are in calendar years). In limestone areas, however,C. sativa failed to achieve a dominant role. After the introduction ofC. sativa, the main trees were initially oak (Quercus spp.) and later the walnut (Juglans regia). Ostrya carpinifolia became the dominant tree around Lago del Segrino only in the last 100–200 years though it had spread into the area at ca. 5000 cal. B.C. This recent expansion ofOstrya is confirmed at other sites and appears to be controlled by human disturbances involving especially clearance. It is argued that these forests should not be regarded as climax communities. It is suggested that under undisturbed succession they would develop into mixed deciduous forests consisting ofFraxinus excelsior, Tilia, Ulmus, Quercus and Acer.